Mike Yepremyan and his parents (above) are the latest in a growing list of victims afflicted by inter-communal violence among Armenians. Mike’s murder occurred against the backdrop of a festering criminal culture fostered by Armenian television shows (like “Immigrants”) glorifying a mafioso life of crime, drugs, and murder.

I should like to see any power of the world destroy our race.
Before we do it ourselves…

This small tribe of insignificant people,
Who fought wars to keep their identity,
Who died for inches of land,
Who starved to give their children a chance,
dying on hot sand…
That small tribe of unimportant people,
with more enemies than friends,
With more misery than hope…
Has begun destroying itself.
And we’re nearing the end of our rope.

Violence fills the world,
from wars in the fields to wars in our homes.
Hate fills your heart like gasoline in a bomb,
Waiting for a spark and when that time comes,
The only time you rest is a fist to the face,
Or blasting a hole in their chest.

Martin Luther King once said that a man who won’t die,
for something is not fit to live.
But what about a man who’s willing to kill for nothing.
That man I cannot forgive.
A man who’s never felt, never heard of a thing called brotherhood.
Never understood the meaning of fighting for good.

Go ahead prove your manhood.
Destroy what you think is your enemy.
See if you can do it.
If they come at you with words, respond with fists,
If they come at with you with a bat, you better bring a gun,
And if they shoot well that’s just no fun,
Because dying without revenge means that they’ve won.

What’s with the evil that plagues the male ego,
That makes us puppets of lust and weak people.
Is it a cultural phenomenon?
Touch my badeev and then it’s on,
Or is it society that says life’s so cheap,
That you’re willing to put a complete stranger to sleep.

And all for what…
Because you think that your ego is worth more than a life.
Because you whore the word honor like it’s a badge or a knife.

I know that it takes much more than fists to make a man,
And all it takes are words to make you raging mad.
That anger isn’t because god made you a warrior man,
It’s because you’re confused over how to deal,
Incapable of making a plan.

Think about this while you’re worried about a diss,
There’s a kid in our homeland worried about the hiss,
Of a sniper rifle’s bullet finding its mark in his heart,
On the front lines of a battle field strewn with land mines.
No BMs or Hummers, but with real honor,
Ready to die to protect the land of all his fore-mothers.

You want to fight,
Well there’s a war against our people,
When they take the cross off of a steeple,
Or rewrite the lives of our people,
Are you ready to die to fight the lies,
As they try and trample our people?

The price of life is equal amongst all Armenian people,
Think before you act,
Tell your friends and any other people.

People will read Mike’s story and think absos,
But they will learn to live and laugh again,
And to sing again and I pray,
That when two of us meet anywhere in the world,
We won’t unfurl hatred and anger and kill because of words…

I should like to see any power of this world,
destroy our race…

Before we do it ourselves.

95 years of questioning the reality of planned, brutal mass executions, the ethnic cleansing of a people from their place is far too long. Up against a looming deadline, a threat of losing their history and identity, a new generation of Armenians is waking up to an economic collapse, disappearing Diasporas, and questionable leadership. The time has come for modern-day Fedayees to take action, to use modern technologies and create global media messages about their legacy, history, and their future. This is our prophecy.

By Paul Chaderjian and Allen Yekikan

At twenty-four minutes past four o’clock on the afternoon of April 24, a war for cultural survival wages on the streets of this metropolis. In the fight of their lifetime are young Armenians on the sidewalks of Wilshire, changing the rules, questioning Baby Boomer values, inventing a new movement, and sending a message to the world that justice will be served and their ancient culture will survive and thrive.

On the front lines of this epic war are the Digital Natives, Generation Z, armed with nothing more than their cell phones, cameras, and their laptop computers. This war is a battle for cultural revival, a battle to re-energize the Armenian spirit in the far corners of the Diaspora and in suffocated and abused community like Javakhk. This fight is for the universal acknowledgment of the Armenian Genocide and global recognition of the independent Republic of Karabagh. This battle for national survival is not only being waged on these streets of La La Land but in the abstract place called the Internet.

Why is this generation – born into the most pampered of lives – out on the sidewalks instead of sipping beers at a beach-side cantina off the Pacific, on rides in Disneyland, or in the great malls of commerce, shopping, eating, or enjoying a Saturday afternoon matinee?

Where is this sense of injustice and this passion for change coming from? How is their passion being fueled? Why does the world outside their suburban lives matter more now than ever before? And why does a 95-year-old crime against their ancestors warrant the display of such passion – nearly a century later and a world away – on the streets of California?

A Generation in Question

Perhaps these question’s are because the progeny of the Genocide has awakened to an uncertain, apocalyptic future. A new generation of young men and women are coming of age to the threat that their lifestyles may be a memory of the good old days.

Young people are opening their eyes to headlines that those in their 20s and 30s are facing 50% unemployment. Their jobs have been shipped off to China and India. Their universities are broke and have no room for new students. Their forests are cut down and natural resources fast depleting.Their bankrupt government is waging unnecessary wars overseas, throwing billions of dollars in smart bombs on foreign lands, and their corrupt leaders throwing billions of bonuses to those sociopath capitalists who bankrupted a bogus financial industry.

Perhaps their stark realities are now coming into focus because they wake up to accusations that their very existence as Armenians is based on a lie. This rabid movement is being ignited because they turn on CNN to hear the Turkish Prime Minister say that there had been no such thing as Genocide and that Armenians had been the criminals that victimized the Turks.

Baby Boomers’ democratic leaders have not only failed at setting the record straight on the Genocide, but they have also failed at guaranteeing that our way of life can be sustainable for the next generation and for generations to come.

Youth today are threatened with the possibility of never owning their own homes, not affording to go on vacations to their ancestral Homeland, and no longer being able to afford to provide an Armenian education to their children or keeping the doors of their ancient churches open that is fueling the crisis.

How does their government and their President get away with destroying their future and making empty promises like ‘change.’ Hadn’t Mr. Obama promised Genocide recognition? Wasn’t he now turning his back on his promises and bowing down to the lying Ottoman politicians of the 21st century?

21st Century Re-awakening

The activists in the 6300 block of Wilshire are following a noble path, a path taversed by their forefathers. One which they were destined to retrace.

When they realized the older generations, in their affluent self-assurance, wasn’t going to listen to their ideas about cultural preservation and nationhood, this generation looked back to their people’s history. They found inspiration in stories about fools and revolutionaries who dared to question authority. They found hope in the actions of those in the late 19th century who ventured into the villages and founded schools, and who brought the European enlightenment to the Armenian countryside.

From Madras/Chanai to Venice/San Lazzaro, in the seminaries, merchant communities, and universities of the Armenian Diaspora, Armenians of the day began to look toward their Homeland with despair. They sought solutions to the nation’s problems. Having grown tired of being told what they couldn’t do by their parents, these individuals began to imagine a better future. They envisioned it and then worked to create it.

What began as a spark became a movement of awakening, a Zartonk, and it spread like a modern-day viral video across the Armenian world. The medium of that era was not the Internet but the printing press. Newspapers, pamphlets, and books created a Diaspora-wide dialogue about cultural, linguistic and social demands. The printing press created a consciousness and awareness that resulted in change.

In the 1700s when Armenians were living under foreign rule, Armenians in the Diaspora experienced the Age of Enlightenment and closely followed the French and American independence movements and the births of democracies.

As the framers of the US constitution were dreaming up their new nation, free from British rule, Armenians like Shahamir Shahamirian were thinking up a bill of rights for Armenians and a means for liberation from Turkish oppression. Their weapon was a printing press, which spread new ideas to the masses.

Through the printed word, ancient tales of heroic exploits and battles were brought to life, dialogue about democratic governance and social justice were popularized, and Armenian students studying in the universities of Europe were given a struggle in which to believe.

Armenians in the Age of Enlightenment gave birth to young enlightened thinkers, selfless teachers, and the fearless Fedayees.

The iPeople

One of the historic acts of the enlightened Armenians was the development a modern language that could be understood by the masses. This Askharabahr became the language of their revolution. It defied the Church and authority to become the medium through which dreams and means for emancipation and liberation were conveyed.

Today, 21st century Fedayees also have a new way to speak the language of the new masses. Their Ashkharabahr–the language of their world–is the Internet and social media. This new media in the age of hyper-connectivity is the foundation of this reawakening. That any two or ten million Armenians anywhere can come together at anytime through the unfathomable global access of the Internet is what makes the iZaronk a reality.

Armed with their laptops, cell and smart phones, this new breed of freedom fighter is waging a struggle for freedom from their people’s established norms, norms which are staid and are slowly suffocating if not killing a new generation of young Armenians.

Clear, concise messages, video images in abundance, passionate Armenians speaking up, jumping in front of their cameras, getting behind their iPhones, punching their keyboards with words small and big — these are what can and will turn around a people in a deep sleep in the early years of the 21st Century. The time has come, and the alarm is sounding; the war of yesterday is now the war in Cyberspace. The weapon is new media.

Armen loads his video camera with a fresh tape. His batteries are charged. His tripod is set-up. He has his MacBook, and he’s on the front lines of the Armenian Cause in the 21st Century. He knows that supremacy in the information age is getting his messages heard, using the information superhighways prolifically, and producing sexy, viral messages that are watched by millions of people, scoring thousands of hits on the net.

Varant is clicking photos of police officers guarding the Consulate doors. He’s uploading them with captions via his BlackBerry to thousands who are checking his real-time Facebook updates.

These youth are on the front lines of the Internet, where video, audio, and viral messaging can help Armenians reach the tipping point into nationhood, where democracy and social justice prevail; ensure cultural survival; secure the international recognition of the Armenian Genocide; achieve autonomy and self-rule in Javakhk, and protect the inalienable right of self-determination of the people of the Republic of Nagorno Karabakh.

Alina clicks away all day, texting friends, posting messages, videotaping images. She is not wasting her time communicating about which movie she saw or who is dating whom. Instead, she is living and breathing the Armenian Cause, by making the issues on the table more intriguing than what and who is walking on the red carpet or getting drunk in Vegas.

Like Armen, Varant and Alina, thousands of Armenian youth today have greater power than any government, than any conglomerate, than any old-world call-to-arms. Their war of a lifetime is waged through thoughts, through outspokenness, and through clicks on their communications technologies.

The time has come for a 21st century Zartonk, a national revival using the new weapons of modern civilization –the communications tools that every citizen of the world either has access to or knows someone with access. These tools, cameras, keyboards, editing software, iPad and iPods, FlipCams and iPhones, are all what can create the iZartonk.

iMedia

From the dance halls of the Ani barakhoomp, to the Armenian language classes at Mesrobian, from the film sets of the aspiring filmmakers, to the performances of young playwrights, iZartonk is Armenians breaking free of their pedagogical restrains, free of the capitalist poison of accruing more wealth, free of the game of politics.

Along the way, young Armenians are using their Internet connections and their keyboards to not only report about what their generation is doing toward their community’s collective goal of cultural preservation, but they are also using all these platforms of media and communication to ask the questions that needs to be asked. They are asking each other, expressing their opinions, spreading unique stories about the Armenian-American experience and challenging each other for new dreams, new ideas, and calls to action.

What should we believe in? What should we stand for? What should be our plans? How do we protect our community and our rights? These are the messages that are floating back-and-forth on the Information Superhighway. Instead of banal messages on Facebook about what people are having for dessert, how about asking what is a good insurance carrier or where there are new job openings? Instead of feeding the livestock on Farmville or repeating a joke from a morally bankrupt cartoon on cable, why not promote a group fighting to stop capitalist endeavors destroying the Earth?

iFedayees

The iFedayees want a say in what their community stands for, what the collective should focus on, not merely accept the ways of their parents’ world. They want to decide whether this community needs multi-million dollar cathedrals, lavish banquet halls, and obscene weddings and parties – all which are depleting resources that could otherwise go towards timeless endeavors.

iFedayees must roll up their sleeves and know more than just their people’s history. They must also learn about the climate of the world, the Chinese economy, the worlds of the Islam and the South Americas, and how all these factors shape their modern Armenian-American experience.

iFedayees must learn, they must take a stand, and they must be involved in every aspect of their lives and hence their future. This is what revolutionaries do; and this is what young Armenians must do to ensure the survival of their six-thousand year-old-culture and nation – be it in the Homeland or in its vast and ever-relocating Diaspora.

iDo and iWill

In today’s Armenian media, instead of stories about the legendary heroes of the people who took up arms to protect their fellow Armenians, there are stories of the mafiosos stealing from the government, the masses, and each other. Instead of notions of equal rights and freedoms, instead of stories of revolutionaries in the turn-of-the-century Anatolia who inspired a nation and defied the odds to found an independent republic amid the ashes of Genocide, community broadcasters are promoting Armenian criminals as the heroes of the day.

Instead of preaching and promoting service to community and to others, Armenian media is selling laser hair removal, lap bands, and glamorizing those who take from the innocent, those who kill for financial gain, and those who have no morality and humanity. These are not the role models today’s young people are seeking., and these broadcasters needed to know that the viewer always has the last word.

The solution is for every Armenian to become a media practitioner, participate in creating and using alternative media and ignore the obnoxious mainstream media outlets. Ignore the info-tainment on your cells, computers, and television channels and hear what alternative media sources are saying. What do Link TV reports say about the European headlines? What are the Arabic channels reporting about the Middle East? What are blogs saying about the Homeland? And what is the individual Armenian saying?

After you learn and listen, become a media content creator by picking up your audio recorder, your notepad, your video camera, and record your voice, broadcast it to your friends. Even if you don’t have the answers, ask the questions, put your concerns on paper or on videotape and send them off into Cyberspace.

Every single Armenian should take it upon him or herself to write a few paragraphs or videotape 30 to 60 second news reports to let others in our community know what everyone else is doing as members of the “Armenians.”

We saw a glimpse of how powerful and active our community became when hundreds of thousands of you followed the Asbarez and Horizon TV during the committee vote on the Genocide Resolution, the Protocol protests, the hunger strike, and the Armenian President’s visit around the Diaspora. Thousands watched ANC YouTube videos; Asbarez and Horizon pages had thousands of hits; and AYF members reported the news by videotaping interviews from the front lines and posting it for Armenians and non-Armenians around the world to watch.

The momentum that we glimpsed and that we collectively created around the Stop the Protocols campaign was unprecedented. Our story and our collective engagement with the creation of media was viral. Not only did we engage the story, but we engaged our peers and made them active. On top of that success, our viral messages reached mainstream media, the LA Times, and all the television networks. Our Tweets and iPhone videos reached the “Tipping Point” and put our people at the forefront, at least for two weeks, during the Information Age.

But why stop now? Why not continue this grassroots Armenian revolution of the 21st century and continue and build upon the creation of media messages as we did during the Protocols Campaign. And why stop at Facebook and Twitter? Why not report about all of our individual and community successes to our own media network. And why stop with our media? Why not write letters to editors, engage your lawmakers, create YouTube videos, submit stories to Current TV, Reddit, CNN iReports, and other media outlets?

This reawakening, this iZartonk, is based on your participation, you sharing your small and big steps, ideas, concerns, and news items in this whirlpool of information. The revolution, the change, can continue if you and your friends, colleagues, the Armenian community-at-large, and the world knows what we are all talking about.

Share your news, share what’s new and different, promote your successes, highlight and advertise whatever makes you proud by writing, videotaping, blogging, Tweet-ing and Facebook-ing. If you have a keyboard, you’re a journalist. If you have a video camera, you’re a reporter.

Take creating media one step further and find the candidates who are concerned about your concerns and vote them into office. If those candidates aren’t there, then you run for office, be it for your university board of regents, your town parish, church council, city council, or state or federal offices. A democracy serves the masses only when the masses serve the democracy, when they vote, when they express their concerns, and when they go door-to-door talking to people.

Why should your government, your democracy, your representatives on Capitol Hill NOT vote for Genocide recognition. That question should be enough to make you ponder whether they really care about justice and have your best interest in their hearts. Or are they merely banking on empty promises so that they can sustain their cushy jobs and their affluent lifestyles and donors?

If your representatives in government aren’t providing what you need them to provide, if they aren’t worried about your future, your career, your education, if they are able to convince you that your government needs to wage war overseas instead of fixing roads, developing new industries and renewable energy sources, then their tenure as public servants is over.

Now it’s your turn. Participate in the reawakening of the Armenian spirit, create media, voice your concerns, vote, and talk to people.

Remember, in the Information Age, we are on an equal playing field with anything that mainstream news organizations are producing. Your thoughts, your concerns, your opinions are as valid as those of the pundits who are using the mainstream channels that are in the business of making money by gathering the most eyeballs at any given time.

Don’t patronize mass media to appease their shareholders with bigger profits. Instead, create your own media and change the game. Whether you attended a protest rally on April 24, attended a book signing, wrote a play, or heard a new artist, everything is relevant to your community.

So speak up, speak loud and participate in the reawakening of the Armenian Soul through iZartonk.

* * *

Եւ բարձրացնում էր դահիճը կացինն ահարկու` աներեր ձեռքով
Սեւ քողն էր ծածկել երեսը նրա` աչքերի փայլը թաքցնելու համար
Բարձրացնում էր կացինն ու մեկ-մեկ խլում մեկ ու կես միլիոն կյանք
Եւ նրանց արյունը  սնում էր հողը, նրանց մարմինը սնում էր երկրին…
Զոհերից մեկը փրկվեց մազապուրծ եւ պատմեց ողջ աշխարհին
Իր տեսածները դժոխային այդ անապատում,
Մինչ դահիճը նրան դատապարտել էր սովի, սնվում էր նա իր բախտակիցների մարմնի մսով
Եւ հագեցնում ծարավը նրանց արյան անծայրածիր ծովից:
Ու չկարողացավ ընդունել դահճի որդին, որ իր հայրը արյունռուշտ էր եղել
Եւ ստախոս պիտակեց զոհին, ով մինչեւ կյանքի վերջին իսկ օրը
Վեր էր ցատկում իր խորը քնից եւ շնչակտուր սկսում աղոթել,
Որ իր զավակը երբեք այդքան անգութ չդառնա
Եւ որ այնքան ապրի այս պատմությունը եւ այնքան հոլովեն դահճի անունը,
Որ նրա հոգին հանգիստ չգտնի մինչեւ այն օրը,
Երբ նա վերջապես դադարի հերքել եւ բարձրաձայն ներում աղերսի…

–Հեղինար Մելքոմ Մելքոմյան

Armenian Bone Marrow Donor Registry Volunteers in Yerevan. Photo by Avo Kambourian

Editor’s Note: This article is a preview from the Haytoug 2010 Spring issue, which is set for release in May.

By Heghinar Melkom Melkomian

There are more than 10 million Armenians scattered throughout the world, including the almost 3 million in the Motherland. Even though we are all Armenian, we are also very different. Of course, this is due to the fact that we have been influenced by those communities in which we have been raised. However, there are several things that make us all the same. For example, wherever we go, we always try to find Armenians and even sometimes we try to claim non-Armenians, Armenian. Several years ago there were rumors in Armenia that renowned American signer Gwen Stephani was Armenian. How? Very simple. Just ad an “an” at the end of her surname and you have a perfect Armenian surname: Stephanian. There are many similar examples, which are sometimes beyond absurd and ridiculous. However, one thing that is proven is that we Armenians have a unique gene-pool and this is, of course, inarguable.

During the years of the Armenian genocide, from 1915-1923, while the Ottoman Turks were working systematically according to their “perfect” plan to eliminate all Armenians from the surface of the earth, one and a half million Armenians were brutally massacred. Even though the Turks did not manage to fulfill their mission, one thing is for sure: that many people carrying Armenian genes were killed.

This year is the 95th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide. On April 23, thousands of ARF Youth and other young people will take part in the annual torch lit march to the Dzidzernakabert memorial. On April 24 hundreds of thousands of Yerevan residents will pay their tribute to the Genocide victims and lay flowers at the memorial. On April 24, all Armenians throughout the world will become as one and commemorate one of the most unjust and black pages of history.

The definition of the term genocide is “the deliberate and systematic destruction, in whole or in part, of an ethnic, racial, religious, or national group.” We don’t have to open a dictionary to find the definition of this word, it is encrypted in blood and it is passed on to our generations through our unique genes. Prior to the events in 1915 we had Armenian communities in India, Iran, America and many other countries; however the numbers of Diasporan Armenians skyrocketed after the Armenian Genocide. Also after the Motherland gained independence in 1991, numerous Armenian families, unable to withstand the harsh living conditions, fled the country. And so, as a result of all this, today we have millions of Armenians dispersed all over the world.

Ninety-five years after the Great Armenian Genocide we still feel the consequences of the Young Turks’ actions. Even though I am talking about material loss, I do not mean the loss of our ancestral lands, which today lie behind Turkey’s locked borders. I am talking about the loss of 1.5 million Armenians; a number which would have probably tripled by now, had it not been exterminated.

1.5 million lives were taken, and now we work to bring them justice by fighting for recognition and restitution. Moreover, we have honor the martyrs by being vigilant today to protect and cherish the lives of fellow Armenians.

There are several blood related fatal diseases such as leukemia, myeloma and lymphoma and life threatening anemias or immune disorders, the treatment of which requires finding a match. When it comes to finding a match, the choices of people first of all narrows down to immediate family members and if there is no match, the search is spread to other people. Having a unique genetic make up, it is nearly impossible to find suitable matches for Armenians among the existing international registries and we have to rely on each other and there are only 10 million of us.

There are many organizations in Armenia, which have a nation preservation mission and the Birthright Armenia charitable organization is one of those. Ever since its establishment in 2004, with the help of the organization, 450 Armenians throughout the world have arrived in the motherland to work on a voluntary basis for a minimum of 2 months and a maximum of a year. Four months into 2010, the organization has already hosted over 10 volunteers and this year a young girl named Olivia Katrandjian is amongst them.

Olivia’s mother suffers from non-Hodgkin’s peripheral-cell lymphoma. This is a type of blood cancer. During her stay in Armenia, volunteering for the Civilitas Foundation, Olivia also aims to raise awareness about fatal blood related illnesses, such as that of her mother and help the Armenian Bone Marrow Donor Registry (ABMDR) find more donors for bone marrow or stem cell transplantation to all Armenian and non-Armenian patients worldwide. ABMDR was founded in 1999 as an independent, non-governmental, not-for-profit organization and is a member of the World Marrow Donor Association (WMDA) and Bone Marrow Donor Worldwide (BMDW) sharing its database information with other registries around the world.

On April 24, the day we will once again climb the steep slope to Dzidzernakabert, Olivia and the professional staff of ABMDR will be waiting for us all to join their fight, which I view as another type of nation preservation mission. So, on the day we commemorate the memory of our victims, the day we march to Dzidzernakabert, lay flowers, pray for the souls of our ancestor to rest in peace and bow our heads in front of the eternal flame to show the world that we will not forget, that we will not retreat from this historic truth, injustice which needs to be recognized, a day when we lost so many Armenian lives, let us also join the struggle to save those we still can.

On April 24 this year no matter where you live remember to stand up, join your local march, open your mouth and shout slogans, open your mouth and speak the one and only truth and as part of the day of commemoration also save those still alive by donating a sample to a WMDA member registry. We have seen too many tragedies, we have lost too many lives, why lose the chance to save the living.

Photos By Avo Kambourian.

Very few people can be said to have had as large an impact on the liberation movement of Artsakh as Arthur Mgrditchyan. He was a model Tashnaktsagan who internalized his ideological oath and served his people with integrity and conviction.

Born in the Etilou village of Hatrout on February 16, 1959, Mgrditchyan was a humble activist and sterling intellectual. He received his PhD in history from Yerevan State University in 1980 and went on to be appointed as principle of the Hatrout National Museum.

Mgrditchyan later joined the ARF and became a central figure in the defense and organization of his native region of Hatrout. He went on to be elected as the local representative of Hatrout to the newly formed Artsakh National Assembly. Following the official proclamation of the Artsakh Republic, the National Assembly voted overwhelmingly for Mgrditchyan to become the first President of the country on January 8, 1992.

During his term as President, Artsakh faced one of the most difficult periods in the liberation struggle. It was blockaded on all sides, prices for basic goods were sky high, Stepanakert was being bombed daily, and the government of Armenia exhibited a neglectful stance toward their struggle. Nevertheless, Mgrditchyan succeeded in unifying the people and leading Artsakh to various military victories. It was also during his term that the world’s attention began to focus more intently on the war for survival being waged by Armenians.

On the evening of April 14, 1992—only 97 days into his presidency—Mgrditchyan tragically passed away in Stepanakert. His central role in the formation of the Republic of Artsakh and his unwavering dedication to its victorious struggle made him a national hero for Armenians worldwide.

Mher Choulhajian (1967-1993)

Born in Beirut in 1967, Choulhajian was steeped in ARF community life at a very young age. During the Lebanese Civil War, he took part in the self-defense of the Armenian community as a member of the Lebanese Armenian Youth Association (LEM). Serving on executive and leadership positions, he took on various responsibilities and helped create a spirit of unity among all of his fellow ungers.

In 1989, Choulhajian earned a Bachelor’s degree in science from the American University in Beirut. His goal was to continue his studies and utilize his talents for the betterment of his homeland. Soon after joining the ARF in 1990, he went to Armenia to further his education at Yerevan State University.

However, the struggle of his people in Artsakh kept calling him. As a firm believer in the ideology of Tebi Yergir, he felt that the first step in the process of rebuilding his homeland was the liberation of Artsakh. On August 23, 1993, while surveying the recently recaptured border regions of the Marzili village in Marduni, his vehicle exploded from a land mine.

Choulhajian is one of the many Diasporan volunteers that went to fight in Artsakh. He personified the pan-Armenian ideology of the ARF which does not recognize the differences created by geography among Armenians.  He reconnected the links between Armenians that had been broken for over 70 years and sacrificed his young life for the just cause of his people.

Ashod “Pegor” Ghoulyan (1959-1992)

There are some names which, when uttered, conjure up emotions of pride, patriotism and undying heroism. One of those names is Ashod Ghoulyan.

Born in Baku in 1959, he soon moved to his native village of Khentsrisdan (Asgerani region). He became involved in the Artsakh struggle from the very beginning, starting in 1987 with the gathering of signatures and petitions. By the time the mass protests started, he was already questioning the effectiveness of demonstrations and contemplating the necessity of armed struggle.

He joined the ARF in 1990 and went on to become a legendary commander who took part in most of Artsakh’s major heroic battles: Askeran, Shahoumian, Lachin, Mardagerd, Grgjan, Arkhavend, and Malibeili to name a few. It was also the first Artsakh battalion, under Pegor’s command, which was the first to enter Shoushi on the morning of May 8, 1992, during the city’s decisive recapturing.

Ghoulyan received his nickname “Pegor” (meaning fragment) due to the fact that he was wounded 11 times, with the shrapnel of mines, bullets and rockets lodged within his body. On August 24, 1992, he received his final fatal bullet while fighting to liberate the Trmpon village in Mardagerd.

Pegor is remembered as saying, “Patriotism is nothing else than the wholehearted fulfillment of the responsibilities which have been put on our shoulders.” It was with this faith that he took on the many responsibilities of his nation and helped ensure the liberation of Artsakh.

Shahen Megherian (1952-1993)

He was born in the Gyulistan area of the Shahoumian region in Artsakh on January 2, 1952. Shahen received his primary education in the region and continued his studies at Yerevan State University, where he majored in economics. After graduation, Shahen returned to Gyulistan and became the Chief Economist of Manufacturing and Production in the Shahoumian region and later a food provider for his village. He also became the President of Agricultural and Production Management.

In 1991, Shahen was elected as acting president of the Shahoumian Committee and took on command of the Mardagerd regiment. He was also a proud member of the ARF and attended the organization’s 25th General Assembly.

In the early stages of the liberation struggle, Megherian and his band of guerilla fighters would penetrate enemy lines, carrying out irregular warfare in an attempt to liberate Armenian lands from Azeri occupation. Two weeks before his death, Megherian’s home village, Gyulistan, was liberated as a first step towards the liberation of the Shahoumian region.

On April 17, 1993, under the fire of Azerbaijani air attacks, Shahen Megherian was killed.

Megherian embodied the spirit of the Armenian volunteer organizer, the skilled soldier and fearless leader.

Tatoul Grbeyan (1965-1991)

Tatoul Grbeyan was a popular local school teacher in the village of Kedashen who emerged as one of the early heroic martyrs of the Artsakh liberation struggle.

With his stated determination to “stay and defend the homeland and its people forever,” Grbeyan served as an inspiration to those around him. He would always be seen with a natural smile on his face—full of hope, faith, and an iron will.

By 1988, he was already an active member of the Miastum (Unification) Movement and was fully devoted to seeing his homeland liberated from foreign oppression. In 1990, he joined the ranks of the ARF and took part in the self-defense battles of Kedashen and Martunashen.

On April 30, 1991, the Soviet government attempted to extinguish the heart of the Artsakh movement through terror and ethnic cleansing. With the enlistment of the notorious Azeri “black beret” forces, the Soviet army surrounded Grbeyan’s village of Kedashen and subjected the local population to violence and forced evacuation. The men were arrested while the village was bombarded by artillery fire.

Although the population was unable to mount an organized resistance, Grbeyan bravely stood against the odds to defend his home against the military onslaught. He was able to alone capture a Soviet armored car with twelve of its Russian officers and commander, but ultimately fell victim to the sinister operation.

Grbeyan’s deeds remain one of the bravest episodes in the history of the Artsakh struggle. His sacrifice for his people will continue to serve as an inspiration for countless generations of Armenians.

Viken Zakarian (1969-1992)

Born on March 15, 1969 in Beirut, Viken Zakarian was the embodiment of the ARF’s celebrated angeghdz zinvor (“sincere soldier”). He worked tirelessly for his community without seeking praise and journeyed to his homeland to take part in its historic struggle for liberation.

As a youth, Zakarian was a member of the ARF Lebanese Youth Association (LEM), in which he took on countless responsibilities and leadership positions. During the Lebanese Civil War, he helped defend the Armenian community and served on the frontlines during the most critical periods of the war.

After graduating from Melankton and Haig Arslanian College in 1988, he attended Haigazian University where he studied business administration. But the cry for freedom in Artsakh was one he could not ignore. On April 17, 1992, he left Lebanon for Armenia and soon crossed over to Artsakh.

Upon arrival, he joined forces with the ARF battalion and took part in the important battles that liberated Shoushi. He was martyred on May 8, 1992, while capturing the village of Lisagor. He was only 23 years old.

Zakarian represented the true spirit of a committed Armenian youth. He was determined to be everywhere at once; doing anything and everything that was needed to see the dream of a free, independent, and united Armenia turn into reality.

He was buried in the Yeraplour Martyrs’ Pantheon in Yerevan.

Marching through the streets of Phoenix on April 24 to raise awareness of the Armenian Genocide

Maintaining your heritage and identity is difficult enough when living outside of your Homeland. But the smaller the concentration of Armenians and cultural institutions in your community, the more pronounced this struggle becomes.

For the Armenian youth of Phoenix, Arizona—one of the fastest-growing Armenian-American communities in the US—the fight to maintain one’s culture and remain active is an especially challenging one.

“At times it can be a little difficult living in our Armenian community because it is relatively small,” says Liza Baltajian, the chair of the Phoenix “Kedashen” AYF. “Everything we do here is done on a much smaller scale when compared to places like Los Angeles.  We struggle constantly to try and get involvement from our community; but, in the end, it’s that struggle which makes our chapter so strong.”

"Kedashen" members at an anniversary celebration of the chapter following an oath ceremony that brought new members to the chapter.

It was this spirit of determination and persistence upon which the Phoenix AYF was built from day one.

After a year of organizing youth in the community and pursuing the proper organizational procedures, the chapter was officially founded in February of 2006. The founding members decided to name their chapter “Kedashen,” after the region of Artsakh which heroically stood up in 1991 to defend itself against the combined attack of Soviet and Azeri forces. The members related to Kedashen’s brave resistance and its people’s determination to overcome even the most daunting of obstacles.

“Everybody doubted and said that we would never be able to start an AYF chapter in Phoenix due to our small numbers,” says Leza Gasparian, part of the original group which founded the Phoenix Chapter. “But all it took was a dedicated group of strong and passionate Armenian youth who believed in themselves and wanted to see an AYF here in our community. Taking the initiative and working towards that goal with blood, sweat and tears, we managed to prove all the doubters wrong, and are still here today.”

Since its founding, the chapter has organized countless social gatherings, educational activities, political actions, and outreach efforts to young Armenians throughout Arizona. Some of its main activities include an annual April 23rd candlelight vigil at the Wesley Bolin Memorial Plaza, across the street from the Phoenix City Hall, as well as an April 24th protest march in downtown. A St. Patrick’s Day Carnival, game nights for youth at the local community center, and an annual Summer Luau have also become staple events carried out by the chapter.

AYF "Kedashen" Activists

Today, the “Kedashen” Chapter is one of the most active and vital parts of the Armenian community in Phoenix, with over 25 members, 13 alumni, and countless new novices teaming to join. “We have a good amount of youth here and the chapter is a very important vehicle for us to stay together,” explains Baltajian. “The AYF helps the youth connect to their heritage and always remember where they came from.”

As a budding new Armenian-American community, the youth of the AYF in Phoenix have even higher hopes for the future. “We want our presence to be known not only to the community here but outside as well,” says Taleen Kanetchdjian, the former chapter treasurer. “We have our work cut out for us but we’re confident that the chapter will grow stronger and succeed throughout the years.”

According to the United States Constitution, the Census must count every person living in the United States every ten years. What many people don’t realize is that Census numbers are closely tied with funding and political representation.

Funding at the Federal, State and local levels is usually divided up according to population, and that means Census numbers.  Will your community get its fair share of funding dollars?

Sample Census form with directions

Census Partnership Specialist Anahit Tovmasyan does outreach to the Armenian community in Southern California on behalf of the Census. She points out that back in 2000, only one third of the Armenians living in Unites States had been identified as Armenians by the Census.

“An accurate Census count of Armenian-Americans will ensure that Armenians will have a stronger voice and better political representation to address the needs of our community,” she says, explaining that this is all the more important in “these hard economic times. “We need to make sure that the communities we work, live, pray and play in have access to their share of resources.”

“The Armenian community is dynamic and plays a significant role in the United States, Tovmasyan explains. ” Through the collaborative efforts of faith and community based organizations, schools, and businesses, we can make sure all Armenians are counted.”

When filling out the Census questionnaire, Anahit reminds us that people can check more than one box in the category for race.  “Many Armenians will check the box for ‘white’ and also check the box for ‘other’ and write in ‘Armenian.’”

She stresses, however, that “the best thing you can do is to fill out the form and mail it back without waiting for someone to come to your door.  That saves the taxpayers money, and ensures that your community will be counted.”

The Census does not share personal information (like your name) with any other government agency – not with Immigration, not with the I.R.S, and not with law enforcement.  The Census counts every person – regardless of age, race ethnicity or legal residential status. In fact, the Census form doesn’t even ask about a person’s citizenship status.

Census participation is safe, simple, and important.

The Census is in your hands! Don’t pass up this opportunity to help our communities and the future generations of America.

There are several ways that you can participate in raising awareness of the 2010 Census in your own community.

For more information please contact Anahit Tovmasyan at anahit.tovmasyan@census.gov or visit: http://ancensus2010.org/

This mansion belongs to just one of many millionaire oligarchs in Armenia

BY SEROUJ APRAHAMIAN and ALLEN YEKIKAN

The Turkey-Armenia Protocols ushered in an unprecedented wave of international outcry against the policies of the Armenian government.

Massive demonstrations took place in almost every major city of the Diaspora; 60,000 protestors took to the streets in Yerevan; leading Armenian academics and Genocide scholars forcefully spoke out against the Protocols; two former Foreign Ministers of Armenia came out against the measure; 14 political parties and dozens of organizations within Armenia signed a statement against ratification of the documents; and the sole opinion poll taken on the issue showed that 52.4%[1] of the population in Yerevan was against the signing.

Nevertheless, the Foreign Minister of Armenia traveled to Zurich on October 10 and signed the Protocols with his Turkish counterpart. Today, the Armenian government vehemently calls on Turkey to ratify the agreement, after which it promises to immediately follow suit.

Given the widespread opposition and detrimental effects the Protocols are deemed to have on such pan-Armenian interests as Genocide recognition, legal claims to the Armenian homeland, and the liberation of Artsakh, many people have been left to wonder why Yerevan has pushed forward with this controversial policy with such vigor.

Why would the Armenian government risk going against the will of the majority of its people and give up so much in return for mere Turkish promises of normal relations?

Who Gains, Who Loses

To find answers to this question, it’s essential to look beyond just technical issues about what the Protocols entail and the arguments of both its proponents and opponents. We must look, instead, at the core interests of those in Armenia who hold the levers of power. To put it more simply, in order to understand how policy is formed, it is important to understand those who form policy.

By now, it should be common knowledge that decision-making in Armenia is controlled by a small circle of elites, who dominate the country’s political and economic landscape. Whether we look at the President’s administration, the makeup of the National Assembly, or the heads and support-base of political parties in the coalition government, we find an easily distinguishable lineup of oligarchs that have woven their noose around Armenia’s institutions and its society. What’s unique about this social class is the magnitude of power they command, far surpassing the influence of any other segment of the general population. These oligarchs also share a common set of economic interests, living standards, values, and norms of behavior. They are, in fact, a distinct social class with tight links to one another, who operate on a political plane detached from the general public.

When looking into the business interests of this group of people, we find that a large number of them have made their wealth by dominating key commodity imports (e.g. gas, wheat, oil, butter, sugar, and so on). These business interests of the oligarchic class reflect the makeup of Armenia’s skewed economic landscape as a whole, with imports making up 40% of GDP, while exports only account for 10%. Meanwhile, 70% of exports are comprised of raw materials, minerals, and stones. A large fraction of this class became rich through controlling the mining and exporting of Armenia’s diamonds, copper, and gold, to name a few. That virtually all of these individuals have also acquired large tracts of land and property throughout the country is no coincidence either, as 40% of Armenia’s annual growth is accredited to construction and real-estate. [2]
As such, a considerable level of power is in the hands of these oligarchs whose monopoly over key sectors of the economy has significantly stymied the country’s economic development.

The lifting of the Turkish blockade is anticipated to further enrich these dominant figures by allowing them to directly bring in products over the Turkish border, rather than the more costly route currently used through Georgia. In turn, opening the border is anticipated to provide new opportunities for those seeking to sell Armenia’s natural minerals in the international market. Property values and foreign investments are also expected to rise once relations are normalized with Turkey, placing many of those in Armenia’s oligarchic class who possess major real-estate and retail interests in a privileged position to reap profits.

The majority of Armenians, on the other hand, who struggle to make ends meet as farmers, wage laborers, or small businessmen are not likely to see much of the gains from opening the border. On the contrary, agricultural workers and local producers stand to suffer greatly under the weight of cheaper imports flooding in from Turkey, while laborers are likely to witness declining or stagnating wages under the pressure of foreign capital. Furthermore, rampant corruption and tax evasion ensure that whatever financial gains do accrue at the top will not be distributed down to the majority of the population.

The chairman of the Union of Domestic Manufacturers of Armenia, Vazgen Safarian, recently explained, “On the one hand, our consumers [and importers] will benefit from the cheap goods, but on the other hand, this will doom our local producers to having to shut down or to suspend operations.” Another Yerevan businessman, who actually imports fabrics from Turkey, stated “Then, many people will start importing goods, maybe the prices will go down. [T]his will hit everyone, [but] I think my business will suffer.”[3]

Vardan Ayvazyan, the head of the National Assembly’s Standing Committee on Economic Issues has exploited his position to secure mining licenses for himself and his family.

Edgar Helgelyan, an expert with the Mitk Analytical Center, also weighed in on the issue. “We are seriously concerned that the opening of the border will considerably damage the Armenian economy. Imports from Turkey to Armenia account for about $178 million, while exports from Armenia to Turkey do not surpass $1.8 million,” he said during a press conference releasing a report submitted to the Armenian government on the subject.[4]

In other words, the much-touted “growth in GDP” or “improvement of the Armenian economy” that IMF technocrats and government apologists alike parrot as the silver bullet behind supporting the Protocols, is likely to provide a boom for the oligarchic elite but a bust for nearly everyone else. This might help to explain why many average citizens in Armenia are opposed to the Protocols on economic, in addition to national, grounds; they fear having to bare the economic costs of the agreement while the elite reap the benefits.

This reality also helps to explain why Armenia’s leading class has lent its unflinching support to the Protocols, with many being vocally in favor of the move, both in parliament and in business circles.

To give one of many examples, a leading proponent of the agreements in Armenia is Vardan Ayvazyan, the current head of the National Assembly’s Standing Committee on Economic Issues. Throughout his years in government, Mr. Ayvazyan has secured various mining licenses for himself and his family, including an ironstone mine in Hrazdan and two mines for his brother in Syunik and Lori provinces. It therefore comes as no surprise that he repeatedly boasts about the benefits of the protocols, claiming that, “Opening of the border can lead to 4 percent growth of GDP” or that the Protocols will “ensure a new economic path for our country.”

For individuals such as Ayvazyan, who have used Armenia’s legislative process towards their economic gains, opening the border provides new opportunities to capitalize on the exploitation of Armenia’s natural resources. [5] The mere fact that the agreement has advanced this far is itself a testimony to the backing the government—many of who themselves make up the oligarchic class—has received from Armenia’s wealthy elite.

Indeed, in a recent interview to an Armenian newspaper, President Serzh Sargsyan smugly stated, “I have not heard from any serious businessperson in Armenia that has doubts of the economic benefit of opening the border.”

Capitalism Over Nationalism

Significant profits are surely anticipated to be made in the upper echelons of Armenian society once the borders are opened. But at what cost are Armenia’s oligarchs willing to pursue their pocket books? Would they be willing to give in to Turkish conditions and renounce Armenia’s national rights for the sake of lifting the blockade? Unfortunately, for many of the Armenian elite, national interests such as Karabakh’s self determination, justice for the Armenian Genocide or legal claims to historic lands do not seem to be as much of a concern as they are for the general population.[6]

This was perhaps most famously demonstrated by the head of the Armenian Football Federation (AFF), well-known oligarch Ruben Hairapetyan.[7] In the run-up to the Turkish president’s visit to Armenia for the much-touted soccer match between the two nations, Hairapetyan suddenly removed the image of Ararat from the AFF’s official logo, sparking a major outcry within Armenia. Although he was later forced to reinstate the original logo with Ararat as the centerpiece, the inherent disregard for Armenia’s national rights and dignity was blatantly exposed by the scandal.

It should be pointed out that such a dismissive attitude towards pan-national interests is not a new phenomenon among the ruling class in Armenia. We saw similar sentiments expressed during the tenure of Armenia’s first president, Levon Ter-Petrosyan, who was the chief architect of the system of autocracy and oligopoly we presently see in Armenia.[8] It was, thus, not surprising to see Ter-Petrosyan’s newly formed opposition immediately suspend their protest actions against the government in September 2008, when they learned that the Turkish president would be coming to town for a soccer match.[9] More recently, despite his earlier bitter denunciations of the government, Ter-Petrosyan has praised the Sargsyan regime’s policy on Turkish-Armenian relations and has even expressed his desire to establish cooperation with the ruling regime.[10]

Russia’s Backyard

In addition to the economic incentives and tendency to compromise national rights, there is an equally powerful factor to be considered when examining the ruling elite’s support for the Protocols: alignment with Russia.

Most of the prominent business and political elites in Armenia have direct personal ties to business and political interests in their former Soviet patron. We find that they either have major business ventures in Russia or serve as the overseers of Russian capital investments in Armenia. As one member of the ARF Western US Central Committee recently put it, “If Armenia is Russia’s backyard, then they [oligarchs] are the gardeners.”[11]

Indeed, Russia itself has a controlling stake in many of Armenia’s most strategic assets—gas, oil, nuclear power, electricity, telecommunications, rail, and finance, to name a few. It is estimated that Russia has over $2.5 billion of economic interests in the country. Given Armenia’s vulnerability to any instability Russia could potentially cause in these strategically important sectors, no major decision on the magnitude of the Protocols could be made without the blessing of the “Big Uncle.” The ruling elite in Armenia must pay special heed to the wishes of Moscow if they want to avoid any unwanted disruptions to the state and economy. Thus, it was no accident that President Sargsyan, during a state visit to Moscow in June 2008, extended an invitation to his Turkish counterpart to come to Armenia for the first soccer match.

For its part, Russia has openly expressed its support for the Protocols, with many analysts pointing out that it would be the main beneficiary of potential energy and transportation projects between Armenia and Turkey. Russia’s Deputy Foreign Minister, Grigori Karasin, was recently quoted as saying, “The Russian Inter RAO EES Company, which has energy facilities in Armenia, is exporting electricity to Turkey and the Russian Railway CJSC is ready to ensure uninterrupted rail communication between the two countries through the Dogukapy-Akhuryan checkpoint.”[12] Interestingly enough, two of the main initial projects expected to develop following the implementation of the Protocols are the sale of Armenian electricity to Turkey and the opening of joint railroad transportation–both of which are Armenian industries dominated by Russia.

The Path Forward

Of course, the West is also keen to see rapprochement between Armenia and Turkey. The heavy dependence Armenia has on Western loans and the desire to deflect attention away from the state’s crackdowns of March 1 is surely another motivation for Armenia’s pursuit of the Protocols.

Yet, blame for the Protocols cannot be laid at the door of foreign pressure (whether from Russia, Turkey, or the West). As Armenia’s Foreign Minister himself explained, “All states except for one or two supported the process and did not pressure us. It was Armenia’s initiative. We reached the agreement jointly with Turkey.”[13]

The responsibility, thus, lies with the ruling elite in Armenia. These elite hold the reigns of power in the country and have obvious motivations for seeing the Turkish blockade lifted despite its costs. In the end, the Protocols and the ensuing establishment of relations between Armenia and Turkey are a direct reflection of the interests of this tiny set of powerbrokers within Armenia.

The question, then, becomes how can the people act to prevent the ruling class from negotiating away Armenian national rights? The answer to this question lies partly in the international public opposition against the Protocols witnessed in recent months.

The unprecedented wave of mass demonstrations organized against the Armenian government pointed to a potential constraint on government decision-making. Hence, the public awareness raised against the Protocols, the delay by Nalbandian during the signing ceremony in Zurich, and President Sargsyan’s televised public address hours before the signing were a direct consequence of people taking to the streets in Yerevan and capitals throughout the world.
To date, these demonstrations have been the most serious disruption to the Armenian government’s plans for pushing through the Protocols. Indeed, the constant secrecy, media control, and deceptive statements issued by the government indicate their concern over the Armenian public’s negative reaction to their policies.

By putting into question the reality of the Armenian Genocide through a so-called historical commission, recognizing the existing illegitimate border that forfeits legal claims to the Armenian homeland, and compromising Armenia’s ability to defend the freedom of Artsakh, the Protocols pose a grave threat to the Armenian Cause–a cause considered to be paramount in the hearts and minds of Armenians around the world.

However, protests and negative opinion alone are likely not to be enough to stop the regime from ratifying the agreements. Public opposition must be translated into serious organization and concerted action in order to raise the costs high enough to be heeded by the administration in Yerevan. The system of centralized, elite power in Armenia must be checked by a vigilant and organized populace in order to restrain the wreckage of the self-interested schemes of the oligarchic elite.

The Diaspora has a special role to play in this battle. Through its relative freedom and more abundant resources, it has an important obligation to stand in support of those in Armenia who are genuinely struggling to create a more just and equitable future in the Homeland. As in the past, only by coming together collectively and reaching beyond artificial divisions will the Armenian people succeed in defending their pan-national interests.

Editor’s Note: This article is featured in the Winter 2010 issue of Haytoug, a quarterly publication by the Armenian Youth Federation. The upcoming issue is set for release in late January. It will be available, free, at community centers, schools and local Armenian book stores. You can also download it in PDF or sign up to receive a free copy in the mail at http://www.haytoug.org/subscribe/

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[1] “Yerevan Survey Finds Majority Opposed to Protocols,” ArmInfo, September 29, 2009.
[2] Ara Nranyan, “Neoliberalism and Armenia: 18 Years of Integration with Capitalism,” presentation delivered at the 2009 Armenians and Progressive Politics conference in Glendale, CA
[3] Marianna Grigoryan, “Is Yerevan Caught in a Trade Trap?” Eurasianet, October 5, 2009. See also Hasmik Hambardzumian, “Armenians Wary of Turkish Trade,” Asia Times, September 29, 2009.
[4] “Opening of Border with Turkey Will Devastate Armenian Businesses,” PanArmenian.net, September 25, 2009. See also the thorough, 192-page study commissioned by the ARF Bureau on the economic impact of opening the border: Mher Dzadourian, Pavel Hovhannisan, and Albert Babayan, “Economic-Trade Issues Surrounding the Opening of the Armenia-Turkey Border,” June 2009, Yerevan.
[5] Gayane Abrahamyan, “Parliament Debates Diplomatic Normalization with Turkey,” Eurasianet, October 1, 2009. For a background on Ayvazyan’s interests in the mining industry, see Edik Baghdasaryan, “Vardan Ayvazyan’s Business Project,” Hetq, April 2, 2007.
[6] Despite the constant propaganda meted out to the contrary, people within Armenia consistently express their support for the cause of Genocide recognition and reparations from Turkey. See Serouj Aprahamian, “Armenia vs. Diaspora: The Myth of Diverging Interests Over the Genocide,” Haytoug, Spring 2009, 6-9. In the most recent opinion poll taken after the announcement of the Protocols, 52.4% of Yerevan residents rejected the terms of the agreements and 41% insisted that they want the Turkish-Armenian border to remain closed. “Poll Finds Turkey Deal Unpopular in Yerevan,” Asbarez, October 19, 2009.
[7] Hayrapetyan owns several businesses and is the Chairman of the Armtobacco Company. Most recently, he took ownership of the Bjni Mineral Water Factory in a controversial deal following the original owner’s (oligarch Khachatur Sukiasyan) fall out with the government over his support of Levon Ter-Petrosyan and his alleged role in the March 1st events. See Gayane Mkrtchyan, “The Politics of Table Water: ‘National Treasure’ Bjni Changes hands in Disputed Sale,” Armenia Now, September 2, 2009.
[8] See Ian Bremmer and Cory Welt, “Armenia’s New Autocrats,” Journal of Democracy, Vol. 8, 3, July 1997, 77-91.
[9] Marianna Grigoryan, “Armenia, Turkey Put Differences Aside for Soccer,” Eurasianet, September 5, 2008.
[10] “Armenian Opposition Leader Backs President on Turkey,” RFE/RL, November 12, 2009.
[11] Town Hall Meeting on Pan-Armenian Challenges. November 19, 2009. Encino, CA. Personal notes.
For a more historical perspective of this same phenomenon, we are reminded of the following quote from Armenian revolutionary hero, Aram Manukian: “That [exploitative] class is the capitalist class, which by descent is Armenian but in fact serves as the defender of foreign and Russian interests. They pretend to pose as the leaders of our people, but they consider Armenians to be only a pedestal under Russian tutelage for them to use to advance a more vibrant life. This class has turned into a threat to the Armenian people’s unity. They have become bait for our neighbors to use against us. They have become a ‘fishing hook’ in the hands of the Russians with which to ‘catch’ Armenians. Although they may possess Armenian names, this class is, in fact, our enemy.” Roupen Der-Minassian, Memoirs of an Armenian Revolutionary, Vol. 2.
[12] “Russia to Support Armenia-Turkey Ties With Economic Projects,” Asbarez, November 4, 2009.
[13] “Nalbandyan Does Not Feel ‘Embarrassed and Insulted’”, News.am, October 30, 2009.

BY ALLEN YEKIKAN

HOLLYWOOD–With its majestic architecture and storied past, the city of Gyumri is a living museum to Armenia’s greatest catastrophe following the Genocide. The devastating earthquake in 1988 killed some 20 thousand and nearly leveled Armenia’s second largest city. Yet, the people of Gyumri are an inspiring example of how Armenians have the unique ability to look beyond disaster and despair, to come together, regroup, and work toward a better and brighter future.

Although Gyumri’s pre-Soviet structures still stand, many parts of the city still remain in ruin. It’s hard not to feel the pain this city has endured when walking through its dilapidated streets. Little economic development has occurred here since the earthquake, and Gyumri’s people continue to struggle to survive. They live much more modest lives than their counterparts in Yerevan and lack many of the amenities capital city residents have enjoyed during the last few years. Employment opportunities in Gyumri are limited and sometimes the prospects for change seem bleak. Only recently has the Armenian government become serious about rebuilding what was once the industrial center of the Caucasus.

Despite the adversities they face, the people of this storied town posses an uncanny sense of humor. They turn despair into laughter and sorrow into cheer. This becomes all the more apparent when looking at its energetic youth. Their future may seem gloomy and their material possessions may be as meager as the third-hand clothes they wear, but these children and teens find joy and excitement in the most modest of things.

This summer nine young diasporans from California traveled to Gyumri to set up a day-camp for the city’s youth—to live among them, share in their experiences, and make a small but positive impact on their lives. They were not surprised that dozens of boys and girls flocked to the camp, excited that Armenians from abroad had come to their hometown to spend the summer with them.

A mission for the youth

Youth Corps began in 1994 as AYF’s response to the desperate needs to rebuild war-torn villages in Artsakh. The program sent groups of young Armenians from the Diaspora to the Homeland every summer to help in reconstruction efforts throughout the region. In 2008, the program changed its focus from rebuilding shattered buildings to reviving broken spirits.

Gyumri was therefore chosen as the pilot location for what is becoming an entirely new archetype for Diaspora-Homeland relations.

“It’s easy to blindly send money, but the impact and real value in rebuilding our people’s confidence in the Armenian nation is priceless,” explains Sose Thomassian, the Director of the Youth Corps program. “The Youth Corps camp has given us an opportunity to interact with the children and youth of Gyumri, to build bonds with them, to teach them and learn from them, and show them that people outside Armenia have a vested interest in their future.”

Youth Corps Volunteer Serop Chalian with campers

Fifteen-year-old Arax Manoukian was among the 150 children who attended the camp this summer. Seeing first-hand how much her Diasporan brothers and sisters really care about her existence and future was inspiring, she says, describing her feeling about the group in her winning entry in the camp’s essay competition.

“The Youth Corps group is really inspiring the kids here,” says Arax. “Their love of nation is motivating because they show us how supreme the fatherland is for them, even from thousands of miles away.”

That love of nation, and the invisible bond connecting young Armenians in the United States with their peers in the Homeland is evident in the effort Youth Corps volunteers make year-round to make their projects in Armenia a reality.

AYF members worked tirelessly, year-round, to raise the money needed to execute their visions for the Youth Corps program. Their work enabled them to connect Armenians regardless of distance, borders, and financial obstacles.

“Fundraising for the program began early in the year,” explains Sose. “AYF chapters worked with the Youth Corps committee to organize events in their communities, and they raised money for the program. Chapters worked with the Youth Corps committee to sell merchandise. They organized car washes, breakfasts, dinners, and bowling nights.”

Alongside the fundraising was a thorough effort to plan the camp’s day-to-day activities. Camp Gyumri’s curriculum, schedule, and mode of operation were adapted from the program used by AYF Camp Big Pines for the past 32 years. The schedule consisted of morning exercises, breakfast, English lessons, song and dance practice, Karate lessons, lunch, art & crafts, and group activities.

Touching down in Armenia

After months of hard work and preparation Serop Chalian, Levon Abrahamian, Berj Parseghian, Kevork Babayan, Kevork Kebabjian, Sanan Haroun, Arianna Deleon, and Nora Injeyan arrived at Yerevan’s Zvartnotz airport on July 11 to begin their mission in the Homeland. They were joined in Yerevan by Manuk Gerbinyan, a local AYF member who volunteered to work with the group during their stay in Gyumri. A few weeks later, an anxious and jet-lagged Alex DerAlexanian landed in Yerevan, hopped on the first bus to Gyumri and also joined the group.

In the days leading up to the flight, Asbarez Newspaper established a blog page for Youth Corps to let the participants chronicle their adventure and share it with the community back home. It was through this blog that Youth Corps volunteers shared their experience of being in Armenia, many for the first time.

“As we arrived to Zvartnots it hit me like a bag of bricks,” says Levon Abrahamian. “I was in my Motherland for the first time. The only thing I wanted to do at this point was step out of the plane and say ‘Parev’ to everyone that I saw. I didn’t know what to expect of Armenia once I got there, but I had a feeling this would all be worth it.”

The group spent its first week in Armenia touring the sites they had read about growing up.

“We wanted to experience it all,” says Levon. “From the hectic trek across Yerevan’s streets to find a 24 hour grocery store, to the exalting feeling of standing at the foot of the Sardarabad monument.”

Along the tour through Armenia, the group made stops at the National History Museum, where the 4000-year history of the Armenian people resides. A visit to the Holy Sea of Echmiadzin left the group breathless. The volunteer were in awe at the vast sea of Armenians gathered from across the world at the soul of Armenian Christianity.

“The designs and details and size of each of the buildings are truly unbelievable, especially after you find out that the churches were built around 600 AD,” says Serop Chalian, vividly recalling the red and blue colors and unique imagery of the religious icons. “I know I might sound generic when I use words like ‘amazing’ and ‘unbelievable’ but it’s impossible to find words in any language that can describe the places we’ve seen. They really are places that you need to see for yourself.”

At Yerablur – the final resting place of Armenia’s heroes – Serop laid flowers for fallen soldiers who had died for home and country. The cemetery is nestled a top one of three hills located immediately outside Yerevan. With its name meaning three mountains, Yerablur is a shrine for family, friends and strangers, who make regular pilgrimages to remember and pay their respects for men and women who put their lives on the line to fight for freedom and justice.

“You walk around and you read each tombstone,” Serop says. “Some names you recognize from songs and stories, and some you don’t recognize. Some died when they were only 19-years-old. But, you realize that each made the ultimate sacrifice for our people.”

The weight of that sacrifice was all the more amplified for the group as they trekked across the mountains of Artsakh and visited the proud city of Shushi. The fog shrouding the fortress city – once the cradle of Armenian culture in this isolated region – was a breathtaking sight for most who had only seen this ancient place through photographs.”Be it a statue, a symbol, or a grave, nearly every corner of this mountainous republic serves as a testament to the soldiers who fell while fighting for freedom,” says Berj Parseghian. He is at an internet cafe in Karabakh’s capital, Stepanakert, ready to update his blog and write about his many encounters during the trip.

Here, amid the lush forests of Artsakh, Youth Corps volunteers spoke with locals and witnessed first-hand the limitless strength of the Armenian people, their determination to struggle against the odds, and their embrace of life and freedom.

After the volunteers’ visit to Stepanakert, the group began its journey to Gyumri to start a project that many in group say has changed their lives forever.

Camp Gyumri

The Youth Corps 2009 Camp t-shirt, designed by campers last summer, was given to every one attending camp.

“Imagine your summer filled with breath-taking landscape, food that entices your senses, monumental structures, endless laughter, meeting locals that will offer everything in their household to you, and taking on the responsibility of being a mentor to a group of children thousands of miles away,” says Sanan Haroun, describing her first few days in Gyumri. “Reality transcends imagination when you find yourself in Gyumri.”

Camp Gyumri opened its doors on July 22 at 10:30 AM. By 11:00 AM, the the run-down Armenian Relief Society (ARS) center used for the camp site had been flooded with more than 80 kids. “They were overwhelmed with excitement,” says Sanan, recalling how the campers couldn’t sit still in their seats. “The smiles on their faces and eagerness to start the camp session was absolutely priceless.”

The first few days of camp were difficult for the group. Though most had served as counselors at AYF Camp, nothing could have prepared them for the kids of Gyumri. The campers were unrestrained and full of limitless energy.

“The kids in Gyumri are like AYF Camp kids, but on steroids,” says Alex DerAlexanian. “They are constantly moving at 100-miles-an-hour, and they have no brakes or any intention of slowing down. However, they are the most humble and the sweetest kids I have ever worked with. They joke with us, they pick us flowers, and they never complain.”

Camp counselor Kevork Babayan teaching English

Alex, who participated in Youth Corps through the Birthright Armenia Program, landed in Armenia a few days after the camp began its operations. He says recuperation from jet lag would’ve been a waste of time, so he set out to immediately experience Armenia.

“It took us all a few days to get the hang of the whole thing,” recalls Kevork Babayan. It’s past midnight, and he hovers over an authentic wooden backgammon board at the Youth Corps house. In this moment of meditation and reflection, he says, “the hardest part of it all was coming up with daily agendas and work for the kids. But we eventually grew into our jobs, and it became sort of natural.”

The next morning Kevork holds up flash cards of images for the children to identify during English class, while Sanan Haroun and Nora Injeyan write down the words on a giant piece of paper for the kids to copy down in their notebooks.

“We check their notebooks at the end of every class, and whoever has it all right gets a sticker. They really loved this,” says Sanan. “We have review sessions at the beginning of every day and have a quiz mid week on the words they have learned.”

In a white-walled classroom furnished with school desks, the campers looked toward the future, working on essays about the Homeland. The essays will be entered in a composition competition at the end of the session.

The campers also help design the logo for next year’s camp t-shirt during arts and crafts. Between these activities, campers spend half-an-hour every day learning Karate with Berj, who holds a third degree black-belt. Berj says his goal for the trip was to instill discipline into the kids.

Youth Corps Volunteer Berg Parseghian teaches karatee to his eager students.

Donning their white AYF camp t-shirts, the eager students form lines in the center’s courtyard. Behind them is the picturesque ravine with an ancient church on the other side. In the patio, the campers stand firm in a defensive position taught to by their sensei. They wait for Berj to shout commands, orders, and names of moves they should perform during their martial arts lessons.

“Everyone needs to know how to defend themselves, so they don’t get taken advantage of or hurt,” explains Hovo, a 10-year-old camper. Hovo says Karate lessons were his favorite activity and that “those people who know how to defend themselves need to take care of the weak, who don’t.”

“You could really see how much they loved the Karate lessons,” says Berj. “It’s as if they have a natural inclination for learning how to defend. Maybe this comes natural to Armenians.”

Campers jump with joy after winning the quizbowl.

To keep the campers organized and involved, they were divided into tri-color groups–red, blue, and orange–with each group working together to prepare for a final song competition at the close of each of the two sessions.

The blue team twice took first place in the song competition with enthusiastic performances that incorporated music and fast-paced dance compilations, explains Kevork Kebabjian. The groups also squared-off every day competing in short quizbowls on Armenian history and trivia.

After jumping up with joy for answering the winning question for the blue team in a quizbowl competition, 14-year-old Rouben Abrahamian darts toward Kevork, his group leader, and thanks him. “I would be sitting at home, bored, and doing nothing if it weren’t for you,” Rouben says. But because of camp, Rouben was able to learn new things, meet new friends, and spend his time “in a much more enjoyable way than at home.”

“Our schools don’t teach us the things they teach us here,” Rouben explains. “They don’t go deep into Armenian history, about the Fedayees or their victories and struggles. But here, we have fun learning about our heroes and their stories inspire us and make us proud.”

Early on, it was apparent to the entire group that these kids never experienced a summer like this before.

“Every game, every song, every activity we do, the kids genuinely enjoy,” says Serop. “Seeing their looks of amazement when they watch Sensei Berj do some karate moves and the giant smiles on their faces when they do the chicken dance during morning exercises are all we need to let us know that the kids are loving the camp.”

The beneficiaries of this summer of fun, however, weren’t just the kids of Gyumri. On any given evening, one would find the Youth Corps crew reminiscing about memorable moments throughout the day as they walked down Gyumri’s brick-laden streets to their home-away-from-home in the Turki Mayla neighborhood.

“I have been a counselor at AYF Camp for quite some time now, but it is different here,” says Sanan. “It is very hard to explain with words, but there is this self-satisfaction you feel here. Because you realize that you are truly making a difference in these kids’ lives.”

Late one night, Sanan jots down notes into her journal, so that she will know what to post in her next blog entry. “Needless to say, this is worth more than anything in the world, because you know that it will shape your own life, and you will carry it on with you for the rest of your life.”

A group becomes a family

Strangers and acquaintances who participated in Camp Gyumri this summer quickly became a family. Two weeks into the trip, they had come to see this city – with its genuine people and picturesque surroundings – as their newfound home and the campers as a regular part of their lives.

“The nine of us have gotten very close,” Serop says. He’s sitting at the patio table of the Youth Corps house, slowly sipping a muddy brown mug with dark Armenian coffee. “We spend a lot of time in our living room just hanging out. We do a lot of talking. We play backgammon, chess, and different card games. And we joke around a lot.”

The home they stayed in was atypical of Gyumri–a pre-Soviet two-story structure of mismatched rooms, with old rusty pipes and walls lined with pealing wallpaper and chipped paint. The house belongs to a family of five, who survived the earthquake of 1988 thanks to its 19th century Armenian-built home. The Youth Corps group rented out the top level of the house, sharing the kitchen and only bathroom with the family below.

“Deegeen Lillig, our host, was incredible,” says Serop. “Everytime we saw her, she greeted us with a huge smile and always asked if we needed anything. He remembers ventured into Deegen Lillig’s garage to discover a mini bread factory, complete with an Armenian tonir and a crew of bakers. “She cared for us like we were her own, working nonstop in the kitchen, taking care of the house, her husband, her three kids, and our group, all while smiling and giggling at every little funny or interesting occurrence.”

Deegen Lillig would make regular phone calls to Youth Corps volunteers’ parents, ranting and raving about how sweet they were and listing, in colorful detail, every single positive quality she noticed in each member.

Having become a family over the course of the 6-week program, the participants often spoke regretfully of the day they would have to part from Gyumri to return to their lives in the States.

The group skaling the mountains of Ijevan

During late night conversations, Arianna Deleon recounts the “awesome times” she’s had with her co-counselors, about the jokes, the laughter and the adventures she shared with her new family.

The defining moment for the group, however, came on a rainy day deep in the mountains of Ijevan, at a mysterious site by the river known by the locals as Lastiver.

“On that day we all began what would become a treacherous hour and a half hike in the mountains, through extremely muddy terrain, over slippery rocks, and underneath the constant downpour of a heavy rain,” Nora recalls.

The group was guided on the high-altitude trail by a man Nora describes as a “lumberjack-esque man,” dressed head-to-toe in camouflage. “He was carrying a multitude of seemingly unnecessary weaponry, and would effortlessly sprint through the narrow passes on the cliff-side”

“The hike really took a lot of teamwork, with each of us rotating turns carrying boxes of food and supplies down the slippery slopes of the mountains,” she says. “The experience did wonders for our bonding as a group, especially at night when we had to huddle together under a tarp to keep warm under the rain.”

Laying the foundations

For these young Diasporans, Youth Corps was more than just summer fun; they were in Armenia for a specific purpose, and each of them knew exactly what that was.

“The AYF sent us to Armenia to set the foundation for a new generation that will take ownership of its homeland and look forward to a future living on the land of their forefathers,” explains Berj.

The Youth Corps program, from its inception, has sought to close the artificial gap created by the Genocide and widened by decades of isolation during the Cold War. The program exists to encourage Diasporans to take on a more direct role in the nation building process in Armenia.

“The homeland is very distant, and you can’t fully comprehend what the situation is like here from watching it on television,” says Artak Avedisian, the Chairman of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation’s Central Committee in Shirak. He is also a volunteer counselor at the camp, and he says it’s hard for Diasporans to understand how people live in Armenia, what their needs are, and what are things that are to be cherished and preserved without Diasporans seeing them and experiencing them first-hand.

Sitting at a table at Camp Gyumri, Artak talks about his experience with the campers. He talks about working as a teacher and principal at a local school, and he sifts through a bucket of colorful beads, assembling tri-color bracelets for his campers.

Youth Corps counselors and campers take a picture at Gyumri's ARF center

“Through Youth Corps, the AYF volunteers experienced first hand what it is that Armenians here struggle with,” says Artak. The volunteers also saw the country and met the people they work to promote, protect and empower through their unique position in the United States. Armenia became real for them here. It became more than something they read about or talk about or a dream they work toward. I believe this experience will inspire them to work much harder for their ideals.”

Artak is 35-years-old, and he is a veteran of the Karabakh liberation struggle. He has been working for years with his fellow ARF members in Gyumri to establish regular Sunday schools and day camps for youth in the area. There’s a desperate need for it, he says, referring back to his own experience in the school system.

“Quite frankly, the schools here don’t instill love of country in the kids early on,” he says with an air of concern while preparing supplies for his Arts & Crafts class at the camp. “There is no school here that starts off the day with the singing of the Armenian national anthem, and no book that animates for them the achievements of our people throughout history.”

Camp Gyumri is a welcomed change for Artak and may parents who sent their children and teenagers to the Youth Corps program. It gave dozens of kids in Gyumri a completely different experience.

“Here the children sing the national anthem with pride every morning,” says Artak. “They learn national and patriotic songs, and about our greatest moments like the establishment of the first Republic of Armenia, the Battle of Sardarapat, and the liberation of Arstakh. These are historic moments they can be proud of.”

He flips through the pages of an elementary school history book that only allocated two paragraphs to the liberation war in Artsakh. “These are things they learn very little about in their schoolbooks.”

For Artak, and the families touched by the camp, these nine Diasporans who came to Gyumri from California had more of an impact than they may ever truly realize.

“Youth corps has laid the foundation for the ARF in Armenia to set up Sunday schools and regular day camps not just in Gyumri, but throughout the entire country,” Artak proudly states. “At the end of the camp we had over 30 children sign up for the local ARF youth club. This would have taken us years of difficult work to do that without Camp Gyumri and the Youth Corps project.”

AYF Youth Corps volunteers promise that extending this impact will be the mission of the program in the coming years. Upon their return home, volunteers quickly began planning for a second camp in another one of Armenia’s less developed regions.

Interested? Apply to Youth Corps today!

The Youth Corps team on a stroll through the magestic streets of Gyumri

Editor’s Note: This article is featured in the Winter 2010 issue of Haytoug, a quarterly publication by the Armenian Youth Federation. The upcoming issue is set for release in late January. It will be available, free, at community centers, schools and local Armenian book stores. You can also download it in PDF or sign up to receive a free copy in the mail at http://www.haytoug.org/subscribe/

On September 2, 1938 an editorial appeared in the Hairenik Weekly condemning the Turkish government’s brutal crackdown of its Kurdish population in Dersim. The editorial drew the following link between the common struggle for freedom waged by both Armenians and Kurds:

“The case with the Kurds is a fight born of desperation, similar to the stand of the Armenians in 1918, a resistance which takes into account neither numbers nor odds. It is the natural instinct for self-preservation and self-determination to which all peoples aspire.”

Such an expression of solidarity with the Kurdish Cause was not an aberration but, rather, a direct extension of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation’s rich legacy of standing shoulder to shoulder with all groups struggling against oppression. Drawing such links between other movements for social justice and the Armenian Cause is an important principle which deserves proper attention, not only for its moral and historical significance, but also for its political implications in today’s context of Hai Tahd activism.

Motivating Factors

There are two major underlying aspects behind the principle of solidarity. One is the moral aspect which considers freedom to be a social, rather than mere individual, pursuit. It is based on the belief that one can only truly be free when freedom becomes achieved for all others around them as well; for how can one truly be content and secure in their freedom if they are surrounded by suffering and injustice? This concept is perhaps best captured in Martin Luther King Jr’s famous quote, “Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere.”

The other dimension for solidarity hinges on a more practical political calculation: the belief that by coming together with others around a common goal, one can help build a broader base of power and improve social conditions. Indeed, by pooling resources and manpower, movements which are able to collaborate with one another are logically much more likely to achieve victories. The smaller a group or movement is, the more central this consideration becomes in their hopes for pursuing justice.

The ARF Legacy

In the history of the Armenian Cause, both of these dimensions have played a role in motivating initiatives to form bonds with non-Armenian circles. From very early on its existence, the ARF cultivated ties with other peoples who similarly struggled for liberation against despotic regimes. Such groups included the Russians, Kurds, Persians, Assyrians, Macedonians and even ordinary Turks who suffered under the Sultan.

Within the Armenian communities of the Ottoman Empire, the Kurdish masses stood out as an especially important group to establish cooperation with. Like Armenians, Kurdish peasants lived a servile existence under Ottoman rule and faced similar levels of exploitation. The ARF sought to explain that both peoples had a shared interest in resisting Turkish tyranny and the brutality of Kurdish landowning chieftains.

Several early ARF World Congresses passed decisions calling for the establishment of relations with Kurds; the pages of Droshak, the ARF’s official publication, commonly featured calls for peace with the Kurds; and fedayees such as Ishkhan, Vartkes, Goms, Roupen, Kevork Chavoush, Rosdom and many others made attempts to build bridges with the Kurdish working class. Although these attempts did not bear full fruit, there were in fact a handful of Kurds who were courageous enough to go against their powerful chiefs and join with the ARF in its struggle against the Sultan. Kurdish figures such as Msto, Valad Nuri, Kerpela Abbas, and Hamzeh put their lives on the line and fought shoulder to shoulder with Armenians. There was even a mixed Armeno-Kurdish ARF group led by the fedayee Mjo.

Nevertheless, the lack of a revolutionary consciousness and the grip of the feudal clan system within the Kurdish community served as an obstacle to broad-based collaboration. Many Kurds succumbed to the divide and conquer policies designed by the Turkish state and participated in the massacre of Armenians.

Following the Genocide, however, as the Turkish government turned its genocidal focus against the Kurds, the ARF once again extended a hand of harmony and collaboration to the Kurdish people. Figures such as Vahan Papazian worked to bring Kurds together and help them organize resistance against the increasingly repressive policies of Kemalist Turkey. Due to Papazian’s efforts, a first-ever national Kurdish league called Hoybun was formed in Lebanon in 1927. ARF leaders such as Garo Sassouni also allied in favor of the Kurdish struggle and the ARF officially raised the Kurdish issue at meetings of the Socialist International, beginning in 1925.

Securing Solidarity

Thus, as can be seen, attempts at solidarity between Kurds and Armenians persevered even in the face of past Kurdish involvement in atrocities against Armenians. This was due to the fact that Kurds are a people whose fate has been inextricably linked to that of Armenians. Both have been victims of Turkish brutality and have had their national rights denied.

Just as Turkish authorities once viewed Armenians’ call for equality and democracy as a “threat” to their empire, Ankara today interprets the Kurdish people’s demand for basic human rights as meaning “separatism.” Just as the Ottoman authorities refused to recognize the national identity of Armenians and called them “Christian Turks,” the Kurdish people have had to fight Turkey’s attempts to officially classify them as “Mountain Turks.” Just as they once did to Armenians, the Turkish government continues to suppress the language, history, and identity of Kurds; ransacks their schools and cultural monuments; bans their political parties and newspapers; pillages their towns and villages; terrorizes their families and children; subjects Kurds to a policy of Turkification; and attacks their human rights workers and journalists.

There is no better example of the horrific consequences of allowing Turkey to get away with the Genocide than what is happening today to the Kurds. Allowing a crime to go unpunished only tells the criminal that they can get away with the same crimes over and over again. We see this very clearly today in the case of Turkey’s policy toward the Kurds.

In this sense, there is a moral imperative to show solidarity with the Kurdish people’s struggle. At the same time, there is a tactical imperative to form cooperation with all those who share an interest in putting an end to Turkey’s inhumanity. The strength of all movements demanding justice from Turkey would be amplified if such diverse groups came together around their mutual points of concern. Not doing so would only serve the interests of the Turkish state and continue the divide-and-conquer policy it has so long pursued.

In addition, as has been pointed out by academic Bilgit Ayata, dialogue between Armenians and Kurds has the potential to serve as a counterweight to the counterproductive approach being pushed on the state level between Turkey and Armenia. Instead of succumbing to Turkey’s imposition of dominance under the guise of Turkish-Armenian “reconciliation,” Armenians should seek common cause with the Kurdish people and ask themselves how there can ever be genuine friendship with a country that still systematically oppresses over 20% of its own population.

Although there have been many disappointments and negative experiences in the ARF’s attempts to form coalitions with other struggles, there have also been many positive achievements. Indeed, some of the instances of collaboration with other liberation movements have undoubtedly formed one of the most remarkable chapters in ARF history. In this light, the benefits of collaboration should continue to be pursued, albeit carefully and with the vigilance that ensures that the rights of Armenians are never made expendable.