Mike Yepremyan and his parents (above) are the latest in a growing list of victims afflicted by inter-communal violence among Armenians. Mike’s murder occurred against the backdrop of a festering criminal culture fostered by Armenian television shows (like “Immigrants”) glorifying a mafioso life of crime, drugs, and murder.

I should like to see any power of the world destroy our race.
Before we do it ourselves…

This small tribe of insignificant people,
Who fought wars to keep their identity,
Who died for inches of land,
Who starved to give their children a chance,
dying on hot sand…
That small tribe of unimportant people,
with more enemies than friends,
With more misery than hope…
Has begun destroying itself.
And we’re nearing the end of our rope.

Violence fills the world,
from wars in the fields to wars in our homes.
Hate fills your heart like gasoline in a bomb,
Waiting for a spark and when that time comes,
The only time you rest is a fist to the face,
Or blasting a hole in their chest.

Martin Luther King once said that a man who won’t die,
for something is not fit to live.
But what about a man who’s willing to kill for nothing.
That man I cannot forgive.
A man who’s never felt, never heard of a thing called brotherhood.
Never understood the meaning of fighting for good.

Go ahead prove your manhood.
Destroy what you think is your enemy.
See if you can do it.
If they come at you with words, respond with fists,
If they come at with you with a bat, you better bring a gun,
And if they shoot well that’s just no fun,
Because dying without revenge means that they’ve won.

What’s with the evil that plagues the male ego,
That makes us puppets of lust and weak people.
Is it a cultural phenomenon?
Touch my badeev and then it’s on,
Or is it society that says life’s so cheap,
That you’re willing to put a complete stranger to sleep.

And all for what…
Because you think that your ego is worth more than a life.
Because you whore the word honor like it’s a badge or a knife.

I know that it takes much more than fists to make a man,
And all it takes are words to make you raging mad.
That anger isn’t because god made you a warrior man,
It’s because you’re confused over how to deal,
Incapable of making a plan.

Think about this while you’re worried about a diss,
There’s a kid in our homeland worried about the hiss,
Of a sniper rifle’s bullet finding its mark in his heart,
On the front lines of a battle field strewn with land mines.
No BMs or Hummers, but with real honor,
Ready to die to protect the land of all his fore-mothers.

You want to fight,
Well there’s a war against our people,
When they take the cross off of a steeple,
Or rewrite the lives of our people,
Are you ready to die to fight the lies,
As they try and trample our people?

The price of life is equal amongst all Armenian people,
Think before you act,
Tell your friends and any other people.

People will read Mike’s story and think absos,
But they will learn to live and laugh again,
And to sing again and I pray,
That when two of us meet anywhere in the world,
We won’t unfurl hatred and anger and kill because of words…

I should like to see any power of this world,
destroy our race…

Before we do it ourselves.

95 years of questioning the reality of planned, brutal mass executions, the ethnic cleansing of a people from their place is far too long. Up against a looming deadline, a threat of losing their history and identity, a new generation of Armenians is waking up to an economic collapse, disappearing Diasporas, and questionable leadership. The time has come for modern-day Fedayees to take action, to use modern technologies and create global media messages about their legacy, history, and their future. This is our prophecy.

By Paul Chaderjian and Allen Yekikan

At twenty-four minutes past four o’clock on the afternoon of April 24, a war for cultural survival wages on the streets of this metropolis. In the fight of their lifetime are young Armenians on the sidewalks of Wilshire, changing the rules, questioning Baby Boomer values, inventing a new movement, and sending a message to the world that justice will be served and their ancient culture will survive and thrive.

On the front lines of this epic war are the Digital Natives, Generation Z, armed with nothing more than their cell phones, cameras, and their laptop computers. This war is a battle for cultural revival, a battle to re-energize the Armenian spirit in the far corners of the Diaspora and in suffocated and abused community like Javakhk. This fight is for the universal acknowledgment of the Armenian Genocide and global recognition of the independent Republic of Karabagh. This battle for national survival is not only being waged on these streets of La La Land but in the abstract place called the Internet.

Why is this generation – born into the most pampered of lives – out on the sidewalks instead of sipping beers at a beach-side cantina off the Pacific, on rides in Disneyland, or in the great malls of commerce, shopping, eating, or enjoying a Saturday afternoon matinee?

Where is this sense of injustice and this passion for change coming from? How is their passion being fueled? Why does the world outside their suburban lives matter more now than ever before? And why does a 95-year-old crime against their ancestors warrant the display of such passion – nearly a century later and a world away – on the streets of California?

A Generation in Question

Perhaps these question’s are because the progeny of the Genocide has awakened to an uncertain, apocalyptic future. A new generation of young men and women are coming of age to the threat that their lifestyles may be a memory of the good old days.

Young people are opening their eyes to headlines that those in their 20s and 30s are facing 50% unemployment. Their jobs have been shipped off to China and India. Their universities are broke and have no room for new students. Their forests are cut down and natural resources fast depleting.Their bankrupt government is waging unnecessary wars overseas, throwing billions of dollars in smart bombs on foreign lands, and their corrupt leaders throwing billions of bonuses to those sociopath capitalists who bankrupted a bogus financial industry.

Perhaps their stark realities are now coming into focus because they wake up to accusations that their very existence as Armenians is based on a lie. This rabid movement is being ignited because they turn on CNN to hear the Turkish Prime Minister say that there had been no such thing as Genocide and that Armenians had been the criminals that victimized the Turks.

Baby Boomers’ democratic leaders have not only failed at setting the record straight on the Genocide, but they have also failed at guaranteeing that our way of life can be sustainable for the next generation and for generations to come.

Youth today are threatened with the possibility of never owning their own homes, not affording to go on vacations to their ancestral Homeland, and no longer being able to afford to provide an Armenian education to their children or keeping the doors of their ancient churches open that is fueling the crisis.

How does their government and their President get away with destroying their future and making empty promises like ‘change.’ Hadn’t Mr. Obama promised Genocide recognition? Wasn’t he now turning his back on his promises and bowing down to the lying Ottoman politicians of the 21st century?

21st Century Re-awakening

The activists in the 6300 block of Wilshire are following a noble path, a path taversed by their forefathers. One which they were destined to retrace.

When they realized the older generations, in their affluent self-assurance, wasn’t going to listen to their ideas about cultural preservation and nationhood, this generation looked back to their people’s history. They found inspiration in stories about fools and revolutionaries who dared to question authority. They found hope in the actions of those in the late 19th century who ventured into the villages and founded schools, and who brought the European enlightenment to the Armenian countryside.

From Madras/Chanai to Venice/San Lazzaro, in the seminaries, merchant communities, and universities of the Armenian Diaspora, Armenians of the day began to look toward their Homeland with despair. They sought solutions to the nation’s problems. Having grown tired of being told what they couldn’t do by their parents, these individuals began to imagine a better future. They envisioned it and then worked to create it.

What began as a spark became a movement of awakening, a Zartonk, and it spread like a modern-day viral video across the Armenian world. The medium of that era was not the Internet but the printing press. Newspapers, pamphlets, and books created a Diaspora-wide dialogue about cultural, linguistic and social demands. The printing press created a consciousness and awareness that resulted in change.

In the 1700s when Armenians were living under foreign rule, Armenians in the Diaspora experienced the Age of Enlightenment and closely followed the French and American independence movements and the births of democracies.

As the framers of the US constitution were dreaming up their new nation, free from British rule, Armenians like Shahamir Shahamirian were thinking up a bill of rights for Armenians and a means for liberation from Turkish oppression. Their weapon was a printing press, which spread new ideas to the masses.

Through the printed word, ancient tales of heroic exploits and battles were brought to life, dialogue about democratic governance and social justice were popularized, and Armenian students studying in the universities of Europe were given a struggle in which to believe.

Armenians in the Age of Enlightenment gave birth to young enlightened thinkers, selfless teachers, and the fearless Fedayees.

The iPeople

One of the historic acts of the enlightened Armenians was the development a modern language that could be understood by the masses. This Askharabahr became the language of their revolution. It defied the Church and authority to become the medium through which dreams and means for emancipation and liberation were conveyed.

Today, 21st century Fedayees also have a new way to speak the language of the new masses. Their Ashkharabahr–the language of their world–is the Internet and social media. This new media in the age of hyper-connectivity is the foundation of this reawakening. That any two or ten million Armenians anywhere can come together at anytime through the unfathomable global access of the Internet is what makes the iZaronk a reality.

Armed with their laptops, cell and smart phones, this new breed of freedom fighter is waging a struggle for freedom from their people’s established norms, norms which are staid and are slowly suffocating if not killing a new generation of young Armenians.

Clear, concise messages, video images in abundance, passionate Armenians speaking up, jumping in front of their cameras, getting behind their iPhones, punching their keyboards with words small and big — these are what can and will turn around a people in a deep sleep in the early years of the 21st Century. The time has come, and the alarm is sounding; the war of yesterday is now the war in Cyberspace. The weapon is new media.

Armen loads his video camera with a fresh tape. His batteries are charged. His tripod is set-up. He has his MacBook, and he’s on the front lines of the Armenian Cause in the 21st Century. He knows that supremacy in the information age is getting his messages heard, using the information superhighways prolifically, and producing sexy, viral messages that are watched by millions of people, scoring thousands of hits on the net.

Varant is clicking photos of police officers guarding the Consulate doors. He’s uploading them with captions via his BlackBerry to thousands who are checking his real-time Facebook updates.

These youth are on the front lines of the Internet, where video, audio, and viral messaging can help Armenians reach the tipping point into nationhood, where democracy and social justice prevail; ensure cultural survival; secure the international recognition of the Armenian Genocide; achieve autonomy and self-rule in Javakhk, and protect the inalienable right of self-determination of the people of the Republic of Nagorno Karabakh.

Alina clicks away all day, texting friends, posting messages, videotaping images. She is not wasting her time communicating about which movie she saw or who is dating whom. Instead, she is living and breathing the Armenian Cause, by making the issues on the table more intriguing than what and who is walking on the red carpet or getting drunk in Vegas.

Like Armen, Varant and Alina, thousands of Armenian youth today have greater power than any government, than any conglomerate, than any old-world call-to-arms. Their war of a lifetime is waged through thoughts, through outspokenness, and through clicks on their communications technologies.

The time has come for a 21st century Zartonk, a national revival using the new weapons of modern civilization –the communications tools that every citizen of the world either has access to or knows someone with access. These tools, cameras, keyboards, editing software, iPad and iPods, FlipCams and iPhones, are all what can create the iZartonk.

iMedia

From the dance halls of the Ani barakhoomp, to the Armenian language classes at Mesrobian, from the film sets of the aspiring filmmakers, to the performances of young playwrights, iZartonk is Armenians breaking free of their pedagogical restrains, free of the capitalist poison of accruing more wealth, free of the game of politics.

Along the way, young Armenians are using their Internet connections and their keyboards to not only report about what their generation is doing toward their community’s collective goal of cultural preservation, but they are also using all these platforms of media and communication to ask the questions that needs to be asked. They are asking each other, expressing their opinions, spreading unique stories about the Armenian-American experience and challenging each other for new dreams, new ideas, and calls to action.

What should we believe in? What should we stand for? What should be our plans? How do we protect our community and our rights? These are the messages that are floating back-and-forth on the Information Superhighway. Instead of banal messages on Facebook about what people are having for dessert, how about asking what is a good insurance carrier or where there are new job openings? Instead of feeding the livestock on Farmville or repeating a joke from a morally bankrupt cartoon on cable, why not promote a group fighting to stop capitalist endeavors destroying the Earth?

iFedayees

The iFedayees want a say in what their community stands for, what the collective should focus on, not merely accept the ways of their parents’ world. They want to decide whether this community needs multi-million dollar cathedrals, lavish banquet halls, and obscene weddings and parties – all which are depleting resources that could otherwise go towards timeless endeavors.

iFedayees must roll up their sleeves and know more than just their people’s history. They must also learn about the climate of the world, the Chinese economy, the worlds of the Islam and the South Americas, and how all these factors shape their modern Armenian-American experience.

iFedayees must learn, they must take a stand, and they must be involved in every aspect of their lives and hence their future. This is what revolutionaries do; and this is what young Armenians must do to ensure the survival of their six-thousand year-old-culture and nation – be it in the Homeland or in its vast and ever-relocating Diaspora.

iDo and iWill

In today’s Armenian media, instead of stories about the legendary heroes of the people who took up arms to protect their fellow Armenians, there are stories of the mafiosos stealing from the government, the masses, and each other. Instead of notions of equal rights and freedoms, instead of stories of revolutionaries in the turn-of-the-century Anatolia who inspired a nation and defied the odds to found an independent republic amid the ashes of Genocide, community broadcasters are promoting Armenian criminals as the heroes of the day.

Instead of preaching and promoting service to community and to others, Armenian media is selling laser hair removal, lap bands, and glamorizing those who take from the innocent, those who kill for financial gain, and those who have no morality and humanity. These are not the role models today’s young people are seeking., and these broadcasters needed to know that the viewer always has the last word.

The solution is for every Armenian to become a media practitioner, participate in creating and using alternative media and ignore the obnoxious mainstream media outlets. Ignore the info-tainment on your cells, computers, and television channels and hear what alternative media sources are saying. What do Link TV reports say about the European headlines? What are the Arabic channels reporting about the Middle East? What are blogs saying about the Homeland? And what is the individual Armenian saying?

After you learn and listen, become a media content creator by picking up your audio recorder, your notepad, your video camera, and record your voice, broadcast it to your friends. Even if you don’t have the answers, ask the questions, put your concerns on paper or on videotape and send them off into Cyberspace.

Every single Armenian should take it upon him or herself to write a few paragraphs or videotape 30 to 60 second news reports to let others in our community know what everyone else is doing as members of the “Armenians.”

We saw a glimpse of how powerful and active our community became when hundreds of thousands of you followed the Asbarez and Horizon TV during the committee vote on the Genocide Resolution, the Protocol protests, the hunger strike, and the Armenian President’s visit around the Diaspora. Thousands watched ANC YouTube videos; Asbarez and Horizon pages had thousands of hits; and AYF members reported the news by videotaping interviews from the front lines and posting it for Armenians and non-Armenians around the world to watch.

The momentum that we glimpsed and that we collectively created around the Stop the Protocols campaign was unprecedented. Our story and our collective engagement with the creation of media was viral. Not only did we engage the story, but we engaged our peers and made them active. On top of that success, our viral messages reached mainstream media, the LA Times, and all the television networks. Our Tweets and iPhone videos reached the “Tipping Point” and put our people at the forefront, at least for two weeks, during the Information Age.

But why stop now? Why not continue this grassroots Armenian revolution of the 21st century and continue and build upon the creation of media messages as we did during the Protocols Campaign. And why stop at Facebook and Twitter? Why not report about all of our individual and community successes to our own media network. And why stop with our media? Why not write letters to editors, engage your lawmakers, create YouTube videos, submit stories to Current TV, Reddit, CNN iReports, and other media outlets?

This reawakening, this iZartonk, is based on your participation, you sharing your small and big steps, ideas, concerns, and news items in this whirlpool of information. The revolution, the change, can continue if you and your friends, colleagues, the Armenian community-at-large, and the world knows what we are all talking about.

Share your news, share what’s new and different, promote your successes, highlight and advertise whatever makes you proud by writing, videotaping, blogging, Tweet-ing and Facebook-ing. If you have a keyboard, you’re a journalist. If you have a video camera, you’re a reporter.

Take creating media one step further and find the candidates who are concerned about your concerns and vote them into office. If those candidates aren’t there, then you run for office, be it for your university board of regents, your town parish, church council, city council, or state or federal offices. A democracy serves the masses only when the masses serve the democracy, when they vote, when they express their concerns, and when they go door-to-door talking to people.

Why should your government, your democracy, your representatives on Capitol Hill NOT vote for Genocide recognition. That question should be enough to make you ponder whether they really care about justice and have your best interest in their hearts. Or are they merely banking on empty promises so that they can sustain their cushy jobs and their affluent lifestyles and donors?

If your representatives in government aren’t providing what you need them to provide, if they aren’t worried about your future, your career, your education, if they are able to convince you that your government needs to wage war overseas instead of fixing roads, developing new industries and renewable energy sources, then their tenure as public servants is over.

Now it’s your turn. Participate in the reawakening of the Armenian spirit, create media, voice your concerns, vote, and talk to people.

Remember, in the Information Age, we are on an equal playing field with anything that mainstream news organizations are producing. Your thoughts, your concerns, your opinions are as valid as those of the pundits who are using the mainstream channels that are in the business of making money by gathering the most eyeballs at any given time.

Don’t patronize mass media to appease their shareholders with bigger profits. Instead, create your own media and change the game. Whether you attended a protest rally on April 24, attended a book signing, wrote a play, or heard a new artist, everything is relevant to your community.

So speak up, speak loud and participate in the reawakening of the Armenian Soul through iZartonk.

By Shant Hagopian

As another April comes and goes, and we mourn the loss of our ancestors almost a century ago, we again look toward recognition. States, counties, cities and municipalities will pass resolutions in their legislative bodies acknowledging truth, paying homage to social justice and international human rights. Rallies will assemble, protests will emerge and we will unite with our brothers and sisters around the world demanding that the Republic of Turkey accept guilt for its atrocities beginning in 1915. Such has been the case for decades and we have made inroads in our battle for justice. With that said, there are still many milestones toward recognition which the Armenian community is still looking to accomplish.

Those working toward these efforts can be found among those few remaining survivors the latest generation of Armenians. As diverse and multi cultural the Armenian race is, spread across every continent of this earth, we are united by a common struggle for justice. From our highly successful professionals to our passionate youth, our ever-expending community is utilizing every tool at its disposal to ensure the tragedies of our ancestors are not forgotten and efforts to rewrite history prove unsuccessful.  Almost a century after the near extermination of our race, our voices have become louder and every passing generation sees our Cause embolden.

Each passing year, the Armenian Genocide becomes more widely known and accepted. On every front, the Armenian Diaspora is educating the public through all means possible across the globe.  Just this year, another handful of countries added its name to the laundry list of those who formally recognize the genocide. With that said, the heyday of Armenian Genocide recognition remains in the future. As much progress has been made, the passage of the resolution in the United States Congress still awaits a full vote.

Behind the scenes, opposition has been mounting to the proper characterization of the Armenian Genocide. This opposition started with a few powerful lobbyists and has transformed into a campaign encompassing international diplomacy, academia and the media.  This, along with shifts in geopolitics and a war on terror, has allowed the Republic of Turkey to take advantage of opportunities in its efforts to rewrite history. Their fight, like ours, does not end in Washington. The effort to ensure an accurate historical record stretches far beyond the halls of the nation’s capitol and requires attention of our entire community.

As we inch closer to 100 years after the start of the Armenian Genocide, we must not only remember to stay united but also to remain activated.  When this April comes and goes, lets not put our efforts on hold for a year. In order to pass a resolution in Congress, we must channel the passion felt on April 24 into action throughout the year.

Our community is strong but only with participation of our already united nation can we fulfill all of our efforts toward recognition.

By Tamar Salibian

In 1915, over 1.5 million Armenians were removed from their homes and subsequently massacred by the Ottoman Turks in what is known as the Aghed (catastrophe) or the Armenian genocide. Each year, April 24 is the day when Armenians around the world remember the death of their ancestors under the brutal hand of the Ottoman Turkish government. The year is 2007, this year, the cloudless sky and warm California weather made for an apt setting to commemorate April 24 in Los Angeles’ Little Armenia. Thousands of Armenians prepared to meet near the corner of Hollywood Boulevard and Hobart Street for a commemorative march across town.

I awoke to the sound of my alarm clock blaring at 8:30 and immediately rolled over to try to sleep for a few more minutes. “I’ll make it in time, it starts at 10,” I thought to myself as I drifted back into slumber.

Awaking with a start at 9:08, I jumped out of bed and proceeded to search for an outfit that was somber enough for the day’s events yet comfortable enough to walk around in. Black slacks, black shoes, charcoal grey tee shirt, done.

At Turkish scholar Dr. Taner Akcam’s lecture at Glendale Community College the previous day, I’d been bombarded with paraphernalia for the April 24th events, yet I did not choose to wear my new “1915: Stop the Denial” tee shirt, nor did I affix the “Boycott Turkey” bumper sticker to my car that I’d been given as I left the lecture where Dr. Akcam attempted to promote dialogue between Armenians and Turks. I wondered if the students who abruptly left Dr. Akcam’s lecture early were given the “Boycott Turkey” bumper stickers or if the stickers were only awarded to those who stayed until the end of the presentation.

Running to my car, I quickly made it to the 101 South and exited at Hollywood Boulevard where I was suddenly stopped in my tracks by a massive traffic jam.

“It’s to be expected today,” I thought as I took the time to look around at the people in their cars in Little Armenia. BMW’s, Mercedes Benzes and other opulent cars were adorned with Armenian and American flags. I chuckled, wondering if the tourists across the street thought there was a soccer match going on because of all of the fanfare. A black BMW with tinted windows passed me and I noticed a group of young men, cleanly shaven with shorn hair and black 1915 tee shirts, laughing and watching intently as a group of young girls in tight blue jeans and platform sandals walked towards the march. The search for parking seemed endless but I finally found a spot near Hollywood on Edgemont.

The air was thick with the pungent scent of hair gel and aftershave. Old men stood on the street corners awaiting the start of the event. In the distance, I could already hear the chanting of the crowd. “What do we want? Justice! When do we want it? Now! Shame on Turkey! 1915, never again!” A group of men stood nearby smoking cigarettes and watching the crowd as many young Armenian boys and girls with gelled hair, Jamba Juice and Starbucks drinks and T-Mobile Sidekicks attached to their hands as if with Krazy glue walked around sending text messages and laughing with each other. The social aspect of such events was to be expected and yet the longer I watched the crowd, the less I wanted to stay.

At the head of the march was a group of Armenian archbishops and priests who solemnly walked without chanting. Their presence was in stark contrast to the general public who, with fists raised, chanted, yelled and screamed. As the crowd reached Normandie Avenue, the religious leaders quietly stepped away from the crowd, passing me to disappear from the march.   The yelling started to give me a headache.
Sure, I want justice like any other self-respecting Armenian whose ancestors survived the genocide. My maternal grandfather was rescued from under a pile of corpses as an infant and spent his entire life in silence trying to live under a shadow he never discussed. Yet this tragedy is something that I wish to remember in a different way.

I want to mourn the dead rather than hold up slogans and walk down avenues as though I were part of a parade. I felt the anger rising up in my chest. Are we Armenians replacing the commemorative root of this day with a kind of bravado mob mentality? Was it ever any different? “What would happen,” I thought to myself, “if all of a sudden the genocide magically did receive worldwide recognition? What would our agenda be then?” Sensing that my frustration might lead me to say or do something I would regret, I turned and walked back toward my car. But it wasn’t time to go home.

What did I really want today to be about? I got in my car and drove east on Hollywood, North on Vermont, onto the 5 and then to the 134 until I reached the place that I knew was the right place to be on this day.

Forest Lawn Cemetery welcomed me with its quiet, its calm and its simple, somber atmosphere. I picked out a bouquet of white flowers in the flower shop and made my way up through the grounds. “Akh medzmayrig, oor es?” (“Great-grandma, where are you?”) I whispered to myself as I trudged through the grass in search of my great-grandmother Araxie Oshagan’s grave. “Eem havidenagan hartsus” (“My eternal dilemma”) I thought, as I remembered the same search for her grave I have each time I visit this cemetery. Was it two rows down from the stone bench or two rows up? Damn it, should I call my cousin for directions?

And then, I found her. The emotions arose within me as I slowly began to wash her gravestone with water and arrange the flowers I had bought.
Araxie Astardjian was born in Bulgaria in 1895. As a young teen, she met her future husband when on one cold night, the writer Hagop Oshagan knocked on her parents’ door asking if they could put him up for the night. From Bulgaria all the way to her death in Los Angeles in 1987 just two weeks after moving to the US, my medzmayrig’s life was one full of trauma, strength, pride and loss.

I remembered how she would sit in the corner of her room, her head turned to look out the window, searching for the ghosts of her long-lost husband and family members. I noticed a car pass by with an Armenian flag attached to its passenger window. A solemn family exited the car to pay their respects to their loved ones at the cemetery. Slowly, I realized that all was not forgotten.

The Armenian presence on Hellenic ground dates back to antiquity. In fact, many villages and areas in Greece are named after the Armenian communities that lived there in ancient times. Until 1890 though, Armenians in Greece counted less than 1000 people. They only took the character and feeling of a Diaspora after 1921-1922 due to the Asia Minor Holocaust, when close to 80,000 Armenian refugees fled the area along with 1,000,000 Greeks.

Before their mass arrival in Greece, some Armenians, particularly those who had fled the 1894-1896 massacres, managed to establish the first Armenian church in 1905. Some years later, in 1921 Dikran Chayan became the first ambassador to represent the Republic of Armenia in Greece. During that same time, from 1921 to 1923, the two countries established proper diplomatic relations, with Armenia opening up two consulates in Athens and Thessaloniki.

A Refugee Community

By 1923, Athens had 26,000 Armenians refugees, with thousands more spread throughout the rest of Greece. But the number of Armenians on Greek territory began to shrink soon after, as more and more sought asylum in other parts of the world. By the end of the 1920s, the Armenian population in all of Greece totaled only about 42,000 Armenians. In the years that followed, the number of Armenians in Greece continued to decrease as they immigrated to Argentina, Canada, and the U.S. A large portion of the community also left in 1947 during the repatriation drive to Soviet Armenia. Ever since, their number has remained more or less steady; around 18,000-20,000 people, most of them residing in Athens, Thessaloniki and northern Greece.

Community Life

The Armenian Blue Cross, with financial help from their U.S. chapter, as well as members of the community, was able to establish Armenian kindergartens, elementary schools and high-schools throughout Greece. Until the Armenian community was able to stand on its feet, those charitable organizations undertook the task of feeding, lodging, clothing and offering health services to the refugees and orphans.

These organizations also dedicated themselves to maintaining strong cohesion within the community, encouraging the teaching of the Armenian language and history, and preserving the Armenian culture and tradition. The community was built in large part through the work of Armenian schools, financial support to Greek-Armenian press, the issuing of grants and scholarships to Greek-Armenian students, the establishing of a blood-bank, the hosting of camps for poor children and adolescents, as well as through cooperation with many other Greek-Armenian foundations.

As the years passed, the community found itself less and less in need of philanthropic contributions. The economic boom of the 80s and Greece’s membership in the European Economic Community- the precursor of the European Union- enabled Greek-Armenian businesses, along with the rest of the population, to flourish. The vast majority of Armenians own businesses that can be described from successful to very successful, while many occupy themselves in administrative positions within the community and artistic professions. Only recently, have Armenians begun to seek careers in academics, entering the social sciences to study fields such as political science, history, public administration, psychology and journalism.

A Cause to Rally Behind

Prosperity offered the community the opportunity to help Armenians elsewhere; funds were allocated to face the difficulties that tormented then Soviet Armenia and still torment the Republic of Armenia. On numerous occasions throughout the 90s, the Greek-Armenian community mobilized to assist the emergent Republic of Armenia, contributing greatly to relief efforts after the 1987 earthquake.

But it wasn not until the outbreak of the Karabakh conflict that humanitarian aid to Armenia became a systematic effort adopted by the Greek Armenian community. Greece was one of the first countries to offer asylum to Armenian refugees fleeing Azeri aggression. The community mobilized itself along with the Hellenic State to address the difficulties Armenia faced during its first years of independence, mobilizing aid to combat famine, the lack of fuel resources, the stranglehold caused by the Turkish-Azeri blockade. Two kindergarten schools were also established in Nagorno-Karabakh due to donations from the Armenians of Greece.

After 2000, financial aid to Armenia also took on the character of investments in Armenia’s economy from Greek corporations. Unfortunately, such ventures are still limited due to the difficulties investors face in Armenia’s market. There have, however, been examples of successful cooperation such as the launch of a Hellenic Aid Chapter. The chapter, managed in collaboration with the Greek ANC, is responsible for collecting fruit crops and pushing them in other European countries’ markets.

Challenges

Despite these accomplishments, the community finds itself facing some serious challenges. Years of prosperity have created an environment of political and cultural apathy among the community’s younger generation. A very serious generational gap also exists in the community. The older generation, in a sense, retired from cultural and political life after Greece recognized the Armenian Genocide in 1996. While the younger generation, born into assimilation, is largely apathetic to pan-Armenian issues outside their own community. Traditionally, the majority of the community had supported the Armenian Revolutionary Federation and thus, participated in the activities of the Greek ANC. But having grown up in a prosperous environment, the younger generation had very little incentive or encouragement to become active in Armenian issues. Although integration is very important for an ethnic community’s ability to thrive in a host country, the fact that Armenians did too well within Greek society, may eventually cost them their identity.

One could expect that residing in a more than friendly state would have led Armenians in Greece to fight harder for Armenian interests and set grander goals than simply providing humanitarian aid to Armenia in times of need. This not being the case, the outside observer is led to the conclusion that social success, as well as success in the genocide recognition issue, may have given reason for the community to rest on its laurels.

Even though political parties have expressed their support on Greek-Cypriot issues and have urged the Hellenic state to act in the case of Karabakh, there has not been much done other than verbal expression. Cooperation between the community and the Greek government in common areas of interest is nonexistent, while representation of Armenians in the Greek Parliament has been limited to one single occasion, once when Kevork Papazian was elected to the Parliament for the 1920-1924 session.

When observing the community one is presented with an image of older members idly watching the course of events, void of ideas that will rejuvenate the political will and movement of a younger generation. Despite the existence of an Armenian Youth Federation chapter, Greek-Armenian youth seems to mobilize itself only once a year in the month of April, with the organized events receiving minimal media coverage and the attendance of people decreasing each year.

It was only 20 years ago that the Greek-Armenian community presented a more vivid and militant image of Armenian activism, now the political element is steadily wearing off.

The community seems to be active only through holding cultural events; the quantity of cultural, athletic and educational associations shows the great tendency and talent of the community towards the arts and letters.

Each year, many dance, music and theater performances are held, usually organized by the Hamazkayin Association, while the Homenetmen Association has a soccer, basketball and volleyball team under its wings along with the Armenian Boy Scouts. In addition to that, the charity foundations mentioned above organize bazaars and camps, where children and youngsters from Armenia participate in cultural activities.

Since 2001, there has been an exchange of cultural groups between Greece and Armenia through the Sister Cities Association. The Halandri municipality in the greater Athens area is now sister-cities with Noyemberian. Through this relationship, the aforementioned municipality has been able to offer assistance for the renovation of Noyemberian’s main square, the set-up of a public computer and web classroom and the reconstruction of public streets. On a similar base, the Nea Smyrni municipality donated medical machinery and street-cleaning vehicles to Sissian while the city of Korinthos is now connected to Vanatsor.

Thanks to cultural events, the few Armenian schools left in Greece and the existence of two newspapers and a periodical, the majority of Greek-Armenians are still able to speak their mother language. Unfortunately, the importance of the written language has also been neglected by a large part of the community and gradually fewer and fewer people know how to write in Armenian.

Another matter of concern is the influx of economic immigrants from Armenia in the past years; their numbers are estimated around 20,000 people. That means that they count almost the same as the traditional diaspora in Greece, even though they find themselves in a significantly worse position. Most of them do not speak Greek and have a hard time integrating into Greek society. However, the community has exerted much effort to helping them in any way possible, offering work positions and providing for their education. It is of great interest whether newly arrived Armenians will trigger the inactive and indifferent community to take action in a more meaningful way, thus ensuring, for the new generation of Greek-Armenians, a more sustainable community.

Will the community be able to preserve its Armenian element in 20 years from now? Chances are gloomy. Being an active and informed citizen within one’s community is no easy task. It takes time, effort, knowledge and passion. And if there is no passion, then the community is bound to lose its character and motivation. The only solution would be for the younger generation to wake up, realize the favorable position in which it has evolved all these years and take advantage of it to pursue Armenian interests more effectively.

Unfortunately, the Greek-Armenian community has failed to do that partially because it did not entrust its organization and management to professionals. That is Armenians with a background in history, politics and the social sciences–people who would make the pursuit of Greek-Armenian interests a profession and not a once-a-week activity by people passionate, but nevertheless unable to thoroughly occupy themselves with the needs of the community and the Armenian state.

The community, as it grew, became too comfortable and did not make use of its prosperity the way it should have. It has also shown stubbornness in changing its ways when the need for evolution was evident. One can only hope that the new generation of Armenian scientists and students will aspire to bring about a much needed change.

Armenian varbeds (masters) dominate the silver trade in Turkey. Photo by Clement Saccorrani.

By Maro Siranosian

36 churches, 15 schools, 18 choirs, 3 newspapers, and a handful of dance groups. This is the answer you will likely get from an Armenian living in Istanbul if you ask the question: “How many Armenian [insert institution name here]’s are there in Istanbul?” If you asked a similar question to an Armenian in Beirut or Los Angeles, chances are, you would not be satisfied with the answer you received.

The Armenians of Turkey, mostly located in the city of Istanbul, do not like to be referred to as a diaspora. After all, they are living on their ancestral lands and, along with the Armenians of Iran, represent one of the oldest Armenian communities outside of Armenia proper. Prior to 1915, there were over 4,000 Armenian churches in Turkey and an estimated 2 million Armenians. Today, the churches which remain are centered in Istanbul, with some others partly scattered across eastern Turkey, including a church in the village of Vakif (the only remaining ethnic Armenian village in Turkey) located in the province of Hatay near the Syrian border.

The Armenians in Turkey can be found in almost any commercial sector and are well represented in most trades, and even dominate in some, like the silver trade in which Armenians have been working for over 600 years. They are well integrated into Turkish society and generally enjoy the same rights as the average Turkish citizen. Of course, there are some exceptions to this, as the community does not have the right to teach Armenian history at their parochial schools.

This past November, I had the opportunity to travel to Turkey with a photographer to work on a photo project about Armenians living outside the Republic of Armenia. Almost every Armenian with whom we spoke in Istanbul expressed very positive feelings towards their Turkish compatriots. They seemed not to hold grudges and recognized certain events of the past as “history”; which, though they believed should never be forgotten, they also felt should be disregarded when dictating current relations.

Having been active in the Armenian community of Los Angeles, I had strong notions about what it meant to be Armenian. Those ideas changed when I moved to Yerevan two years ago, and traveling to Turkey to meet with the Armenian community has added yet another layer to this understanding.

The Armenians of Turkey approach the issue of the Genocide, the most salient issue for most diasporans, with much caution and prefer to live without drawing unnecessary attention to their community. Although not a single one of the Armenians we spoke with mentioned outright repression, they are well aware of the subjects which they are to avoid if they wish to live in relative peace and keep their churches and schools open. The murder of Hrant Dink, editor of the Armenian newspaper Agos based in Istanbul, is all too fresh in their memories. Dink, who was convicted by the state under Article 301 and targeted by Turkish nationalists in January 2007, played a big role in chipping away at the taboo surrounding the topic of the Genocide and awoke people’s interest in the subject.

Living in Turkey as an Armenian seems to require somewhat of an intricate balancing act. Oftentimes, efforts to simultaneously be “good citizens” of Turkey while still preserving their Armenian identities counter each other and something has to give. In certain cases what gives in the end is the former, but, according to the Armenian school principals we spoke to, accepting that Armenian history will not be taught is a relatively small price to pay to ensure that Armenian children have a school to attend where they can learn the Armenian language with their peers.

Though I cannot speak for them, it seems that the Armenians of Turkey find themselves in a paradoxical situation, struggling to preserve their Armenian identities, while at the same time being forced to sacrifice parts of that identity to be able to remain Armenian.

Unlike the Armenian communities of Los Angeles and Beirut, the Armenians of Turkey need to strive for balance while still dealing with the same issues of assimilation faced by diasporan Armenian communities. Although some may criticize the Armenians of Turkey for what they have seemingly given up, it is important to realize that they are driven by a deep understanding of what it is they stand to lose and it is only to preserve this that they sacrifice so much.

Statues of Ataturk and Turkish flags, required by Turkish law to be displayed in every room and corridor, are ubiquitous and adorn the walls of all the schools in Turkey, including the Getronagan (Central) Armenian school. photo credit: Clement Saccorrani

Currently, estimates place the number of Armenians in Turkey between 55,000 and 75,000. While most of them belong to the Armenian Apostolic church, a small portion of these Armenians are Catholic or Protestant. The Armenian community is concentrated in several districts in Istanbul including Bakirkoy, Sisli, Kurtulus, and Samatya.

During Ottoman times, Armenians who obeyed the law got by as long as they accepted a legal and social code that was different than that which was applied to their Muslim countrymen. However, harsher methods–such as outright killings and deportations–were employed as the empire neared its end, especially during the Hamidian and later transition years (the Young Turk era) towards the new republic.

Things changed following the creation of the Turkish Republic. One can say that the government followed a certain “path,” rather than the institutionalized segregation reminiscent of Ottoman times. In other words, the Ottoman-style discrimination became much more discreet, yet was nevertheless still prevalent. This newer “path” can be described as an accumulation of methods, such as: indirect intimidation of the minorities; arbitrary laws that create and support legal uncertainty; and policies that aim to create weariness among the Armenian population to pass on its religion, culture and language to the next generation.

In 1942, along with the other non-Muslim minorities, Armenians in Turkey were forced to pay a wealth tax which was arbitrarily imposed to bring about the impoverishment of non-Muslim segments of Turkish society. As an open example of the impetus behind such discriminatory measures, the then Prime Minister Sukru Saracoglu delivered a speech on August 5, 1942, where he described the Turkish administration’s program and stated that his nation is, “Turkish, pro-Turkish, and will always remain pro-Turkish. As much as being a blood matter, Turkishness is also a matter of conscience and culture. We want the authority of neither monarchy nor capitalism, nor the authority of classes. We only want the dominion of the Turkish nation.”

Slain journalist Hrant Dink's grave at Balikli Armenian Cemetery in Istanbul. photo credit: Clement Saccorrani

Later, in the mid-1950s, Armenians and Greeks in Istanbul became the victims of Turkish mobs, inflamed by the issue of Cyprus, which rioted through their communities destroying personal property churches and cemeteries with the indirect help of the military.

Today, although Armenians do have a legal minority status in Turkey, their religious leadership organs are not recognized in the same way. For instance, the Armenian Patriarchate continues to this day to seek legal recognition of its status as patriarchates rather than foundations. This particular problem prevents it from having the right to own and transfer property and train religious clergy.

Outright killings of Armenian civilians do not occur anymore, as far as we know; however, the intensive anti-Christian (or, more broadly, anti-foreign) propaganda by the media outlets–which are heavily influenced by the government–do result in attacks by nationalists on Armenian individuals, churches and cemeteries. This is especially true since the Armenian community represents the largest non-Muslim element in Turkey. Even though it may not be appropriate to blame the entire Turkish government for these attacks or for the recent murder of journalist Hrant Dink, powerful elements within the government are certainly responsible for them.

Furthermore, the Armenian community in Turkey faces the burden of often being blamed for the country’s image problems abroad. International Genocide recognition efforts create resentment and public anger towards the Armenian community. This active anger is fueled by active propaganda which results in the creation of a society where the average Armenian living in Turkey feels like a stranger–despite the fact that he or she is born in that country, and is supposed to be a part of the fabric of Turkish society.

It is worth mentioning here that Hrant Dink’s murder, along with other developments, created a slight ripple of change in public opinion in Turkey during recent years. More and more intellectuals have publicly recognized the Armenian Genocide. Furthermore, a group of intellectuals started an apology campaign. However, it is too early to say that the Turkish government or the people are ready to do what is right. Apology campaigns and seminars that shed light on the Armenian Question are not taken seriously by the authorities, and are resented by the vast majority of the general public.

The problem seems to be that the Turkish government is still extremely worried about the Armenian Question; even an insignificant minority population that has no right of association is recognized as a “potential threat to the national security” by this government. This fright leads the government to create an environment in which the average Armenian will feel so uncomfortable that eventually they will end up emigrating or losing their identity and assimilate.

The Genocide and the events that led up to it caused the disappearance of a significant portion of Armenian existence. In addition, after the World War I, the political, cultural and financial harassment led to the present situation of Armenians in Turkey. The Armenian community will not have much left to recover if Armenians abroad do not act to do something to protect their compatriots from this new way of oppression.

We are all aware of the Diaspora communities that formed as a result of the Genocide, as most of us can trace our roots back to Western Armenia along with the migration of our surviving relatives to countries like Iran, Lebanon, France, Argentina, etc. These communities have since flourished, and many Armenians have rooted themselves in all aspects of life in those countries. Many have preserved their culture, language and family name, by interacting with fellow Armenians through community and social organizations.

Although these developments tend to be associated with the ‘traditional’ Armenian Diaspora communities, my interest here is to focus on the newer generation of migrants from Armenia.

Armenians from Soviet Armenia began immigrating to the West as early as the 70’s. Larger waves of migrants followed soon after in the 80s and 90s. For example, between 1980 and 1988 it is estimated that 112,000 people emigrated out of Armenia. From 1991 to 1996, another 667,000 Armenians, 18 percent of the population, left the homeland. A large number found themselves in places such as the United States, one of the traditional Armenian Diaspora communities.1

For the older communities, Armenians from Armenia seemed different, speaking a different dialect and having mannerisms almost alien to them. As wave after wave moved to various parts of Europe, and the Americas, we witnessed some resistance from the traditional communities towards the recent immigrants. Communication was the major barrier, as the older communities adapted words from the host country whereas the Armenians from Armenia, under Russian influence, frequently utilized Russian words. For instance, the word tomato for an Armenian from Armenia is a “pamidor”-Russian, and for a western Armenian, a cart is an “araba”- Arabic. Unfortunately, a host of minute problems such as these created rifts among the community, especially in the Los Angeles area.

While some may choose to focus on these trivial differences and seek to exacerbate stereotypes, it is important for us as a people to rise beyond these minor obstacles and take a practical look at the very serious challenges facing our nation. It is a fact that the majority of Armenias currently live abroad, making the imperative for us to unite in the Diaspora even more critical. We should acknowledge our commonalities and common interests as a people exiled to foreign lands. Given our situation, we simply cannot afford to be divided.

Furthermore, we should seek to utilize the advantages our position presents for our nation. Unlike other ethnicities, Armenians speak countless languages and have a keen understanding of the mindset of various cultures worldwide. These skills can help us build Armenia’s economy and political ambitions in today’s increasingly globalized community.

Let us look beyond the differences and realize that one type of Armenian is not superior to the other. We must embrace our differences and utilize all available resources to further our interests.

Speaking from my experience as an Armenian who moved from Armenia to Los Angeles in the early, I have accepted all Armenians as my equals and actively cooperated with all organizations–traditional Diasporan and the ‘new’ Armenians from Armenia–to push our cause forward. I would like to see all of us work more cooperatively in the future and pool our collective resources for our nation’s common interests.

The days of division and alienation within our community must come to an end if we want to see a strong and prosperous Armenia. We have several challenges to overcome as a nation and we cannot be hampered by petty, antiquated differences. We must embrace our commonalities and organize together, around our points of unity. This is the only way our people can move forward.

Sources:
1. Stephan H. Astourian, “Armenian Demography, the Homeland, and the Diaspora: Trends and Consequences,” in Bruneau Michel, Ioannis Hassiotis, Martine Hovanessian, and Claire Mouradian, eds. Arm?niens et Grecs en diaspora: approaches comparatives. Athens: ?cole fran?aise d’Ath?nes, 2007. p. 191-210.

Armenians from the Eastern USA visit Khor Virap as part of the 2008 AYF-YOARF Summer Internship

By Sossi Essajanian

“There once was, and there once was not…” This sentence has served as the beginning to many Armenian fairytales as they weave stories about the handsome prince, the peasant girl, or the poor beggar who sings beautiful songs to lour the animals to feast with him. With such a standard commencement, the listener is left wondering if the entire world just described really existed or not. Unlike “Once upon a time…” that assumes a moment once did exist, the Armenian version leaves one in doubt if such a place existed. These questions are familiar to Armenians in the Eastern USA in cities such as Boston, New York, Philadelphia and Providence as we think about where we live and how much we consider “home” as tied with our identity.

Three generations removed from their ancestral lands and living in the Eastern USA, Armenian youth still learn about the ancient city of Ani and the Holy Cross Church on Akhtamar Island as great cites of Armenian history as well as places of trauma and death. They also use names of cities and villages employed during Ottoman and pre-Ottoman times to refer to these locations even though today many are not used in Turkey as the actual city names. Frequently when asked “Where is your family from?” many use these old city names to establish relations creating the sense that they still exist. But establishing a historic connection to these places is not merely an end it itself.

Anthropologist Susan Pattie discusses the various conceptualizations of diaspora that might be applied to the Armenian case. She refers to William Safran’s understanding of diaspora as an eventual return to the homeland, as well as Robin Cohen’s counter argument against the concept of homeland that there may be positives for living in the diaspora. However, in the Armenian case Pattie concludes that “this tangled mass of approaches to the question of ethnic identity and diaspora/homeland relations is highly appropriate.”[i] Adding to this complexity for the recent generation is the opportunity to visit the Republic of Armenia. Through the help of various internship and volunteer programs Diasporans from the East Coast have joined others around the world in visiting Armenia and returning to the homeland. But how many consider moving there for good?

Thus for many Armenian-Americans living in the Eastern USA the idea of home and homeland seem to differ making the diaspora here so grounded. Pattie notes that “with each generation in place, diaspora becomes more comfortable and a home itself.”[ii] In conversations with diasporan Armenians about culture Pattie writes that for them homeland is implicit; it is a group of behaviors and traditions that when changed, “the culture is lost or in danger of being lost.”[iii]

In the Eastern USA Armenian youth grow up with the option to be Armenian or not. It seems as though the Armenian culture of community directly collides with the American mentality of individualism. Thus, many cities’ Armenian “areas” do not exist where one can find all Armenian churches, stores, and businesses within walking distance of each other; one has to commute via car, bus or train in order to reach either an Armenian Center, club, or church. Thus Armenian identity seems to be one of choice; it is not imposed and one has to seek out those places to find things that will make them Armenian.

In her recent essay “Learning to be Armenian: Understanding the Process of Ethnic Identity Development for Armenian Adolescents” Ani Yezedjian echoes these sentiments when she says that “Although the existence of cultural markers can provide tools for individuals and institutions to manipulate, their existence alone will not ensure the persistence of the ethnic group.”[iv]

So let us no longer say “there once was and was not;” let us make our home and homeland one and flower Armenia with our talents, passion, and humanity.

Sossi Essajanian is an AYF Alumnus from the New York “Hayortik” Chapter

[ii] Ibid., p.10.

[iii] Ibid., p.9.

[iv] Yezedjian, Ani. (2008). “Learning to be Armenian: Understanding the Process of Ethnic Identity Development for Armenian Adolescents,” Journal of the Society for Armenian Studies 17: (165-187).