The Armenian Youth Federation (AYF) recently participated in the three-day World Congress of the International Union of Socialist Youth (IUSY) in Asunción, Paraguay. IUSY is the biggest political youth organization in the world, representing about 150 member organizations from more than 100 countries. IUSY is the youth wing of the Socialist International, bringing together the socialist, social democratic and labor political youth organizations from around the world that work to enhance principles of democratic socialism, equality, human rights and social justice.

The AYF, as a member organization, exercised its full member status by sending two delegates to the Congress. This year ARF Shant Student Association executive member Nora Kayserianand AYF South America executive member Guillermo Ferraioli Karamanian represented Armenia at the Congress. “This was an opportunity for AYF to share with the rest of the world’s leading youth organizations its mission and activities, while learning from and networking with other socialist parties from around the world,” stated Guillermo.

The World Congress entitled “An Equal World is Possible! Struggling for Democracy and Social Justice for all,” held its opening ceremony at the Parliament, where delegates listened to talks highlighting how the left in Latin America has taken the lead in the fight for democracy. Delegates also had the chance to meet the President of Paraguay, Fernando Lugo. The rest of the weekend was focused on the election of the new leadership, as well as the adoption of the IUSY Global Political Manifesto.

“It was inspiring to meet activists from around the globe who are fighting the same fight. While it is indeed an uphill struggle, we are not alone. Our struggle for democracy and social justice is one of hope and resistance and as long as we continue to fight for what we believe in, we will see change,” said Nora Kayserian.

By: Gev Iskajyan

The 24th of April has come and gone for the 97th time since the Turkish government’s failed attempts to eradicate the Armenian race. That’s 1,164 months since the systematic murder, rape, and deportation of over a million and half Armenians began in the city of Constantinople.

This battle came to be out of necessity for continuity as a People: the Persian Empire wanted Armenians to abandon their faith. Their king, King Yazdigerd II, loathed Christianity and wished to destroy their individuality on the whole.

Those who grew up going to an Armenian school have undoubtedly heard of Vartan Mamigonian (Վարդան Մամիկոնեան), and the epic battle during which he led the Armenian forces against a vastly outnumbering Persian army. Vartan, who was later canonised, was of noble lineage whose family tree includes Saint Gregory the Illuminator (Սուրբ Գրիգոր Լուսավորիչ). His father, however, was General Hamazasp (Սպարապետ Համազասպ) and, like him, Vartan became a soldier. He was a highly respected soldier at that, with integrity and wisdom: in addition, he had a strong Christian belief. The fact that he had Holy Communion with his soldiers; prayed, recited the 23rd Psalm and shared food with them, all prior to the commencement of battle, can attest to these.

It was in this period immediately before the battle when Vartan was quoted as saying “We have served until now mortal kings… now it is time to serve the immortal king”. Vartan’s speech instilled inspiration and stimulated his troops towards defending not only their religion but also, in the wider scheme, their culture and entire way of life. Finally, the battle commenced on May 26th, 451 AD, on the Avarayr Plain (Ավարայրի Դաշտ). Vartan Mamigonian led 66,000 Armenians against an army outnumbering them almost 4-to-1 and consisting of war elephants too.

Many Armenian martyrs were made that day – Vartan Mamigonian included – but, while the battle was lost, their sacrifice was not in vain. The Persian king, astounded by the valour of his opponents and acknowledging that this could only stem from their passion for their beliefs, developed a great respect for Armenians and put an end to his attempts at converting them. In this way the Armenians of the time lived on in relative peace, their traditions safeguarded for another period.

We’ve suffered countless episodes such as this where, for one reason or another; our rights, customs, traditions, faith, freedom and uniqueness have been challenged. We’ve endlessly endured stiff oppression, but, as a brilliantly proud and zealous People, we’ve largely staved off assimilating.

1600 years have since passed, our identity all the while maturing, and we’ve spread across the globe achieving many things. As a persevering people we must continue to uphold our identity in whichever corner of the world we find ourselves. Wherever we may be and whatever we pursue we all share a common history: a story of constant struggles for peace which unites us and enriches our lives. As Hrant Dink, Serj Tankian and Monte Melkonian (to name a few) have done, by digging deep towards our roots we can find and adopt the same spirit with which Vartan’s soldiers fought in defending our heritage.

Heros Jojaghaian

AYF London “Khanasor” Chapter

All that makes existence valuable to any one depends on the enforcement of restraints upon the actions of other people.
–John Stuart Mill (On Liberty)

Last week, the French Senate approved a bill that, in effect, makes it a criminal offense to deny the genocide committed by Ottoman Turks against Armenians. Predictable Turkish “outrage” has included threats to recall its Ambassador to France, restrict trade between the nations, and a move to deport Armenian laborers from Turkey. The legislation has also aroused public debate about the freedom of speech and expression as it relates to genocide denial. While the law should be applauded as a milestone in punishing an ongoing genocide, some are misrepresenting it as a violation of a universal right.

The purpose of the law (as stated by the French Senate; translated into English), “aims to punish those who have publicly made an apology for, trivialized, or denied crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes…or [crimes] recognized by France.”

This bill is written in the same spirit as the Gayssot Act, enacted in France in 1990. The Gayssot Act responded to “revisionism” by individuals who justified their writings by their (perceived) status as historians, who challenged the existence of the Holocaust. To the French government these revisionist arguments constituted a contemporary form of anti-Semitism that warranted a limitation of the freedom of speech in France. The law has since been challenged and upheld, by the United Nations Human Rights Committee, as a necessary restriction of expression “intended to serve the struggle against racism and anti-Semitism.” ¹

The committee’s judgement mentioned Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights as justification for upholding the law. Article 19 of the Covenant states that “Everyone shall have the right to hold opinions without interference, and everyone shall have the right to freedom of expression…[however,] the exercise of these rights carries with it special duties and responsibilities [and] may therefore be subject to certain restrictions [which are] provided by law and are necessary for respect of the rights and reputations of others; [and] for the protection of national security or of public order.”

In recognizing the legality of the Gayssot Act, the Human Rights Committee acknowledged the duality of “the freedom of speech and expression” as both a right and a duty. Free speech is only a right as far as it does not infringe on rights of others to be free from assaults on their dignity. Moreover, free speech carries with it the duty to act responsibly and with respect to others and to society as a whole.

These laws highlight differences between European and American value systems and resulting legal responses. While the United States prides itself on being a protector of individual liberties², European countries place a higher onus on the inviolability of human dignity.³ For this reason, denialist speech is not understood to be a right, rather it is seen as an indefensible form of racism.

Regardless of geographic location, it is absurd to think that societies exist today or should exist, which place no boundaries on speech and expression (consider laws that prohibit child pornography, advertising cigarettes to kids, or exposing state secrets). So the question is not whether to place limits, rather the question is where to place the limits.

Even in the United States, considered the bastion of liberty, the concept of free speech has never been absolute. US courts have agreed that not all speech is protected speech. Unlawful speech, under the United States Constitution, includes defamation, perjury, incitement and several other categories.

Unlawful Speech (under the US Constitution)
Defamation: False statements about another person, which causes harm to that person.
Perjury: False statements made during a judicial proceeding while under oath to speak the truth.
Incitement: Speech that is intended to cause an immediate breach of the peace.

To better understand where the limits to speech and expression should be, the question that must be asked is, “Does the speech in question further or hinder our society’s most fundamental values/goals?” While it is said, “truth emerges from the clash of ideas,” governmental intervention is necessitated in many instances.

In American society, we value dignity and aim to protect it from untruths; therefore we punish defamation because it spreads lies, which hurt people’s reputation and honor. We value due process, a truthful historical record and honesty; therefore we punish perjury because false testimony becomes a part of court transcripts that can be used to unjustly convict (or acquit) others. We value peace and lawfulness; therefore we punish incitement because instigating illegal activity is dangerous.

Genocide is understood to be a crime against all of humanity, and it remains society’s obligation to punish it and prevent its recurrence. In order to do so, a strong message must be sent that recognizes historical facts and simultaneously condemns their distortion. This is important, not to “prove” the history to the perpetrators, but to safeguard the education of future generations, and to isolate and discredit the revisionists.

The International Association of Genocide Scholars has stated, “The single best predictor of future genocide is denial of a past genocide coupled with impunity for its perpetrators.” Since denial is the last phase of genocide, Turkey represents a continual threat to Armenia’s national security (not to mention the safety of its minority populations) as an unrepentant human rights violator, and a threat to the international community through its audacious state-sponsored denial campaign and political bullying. Steps, such as those taken by France, should be adopted without cowering to threats of reprisal, implicit⁴ or explicit⁵, from the Turkish government.

The notion that today’s Turkey is organically and voluntarily coming to terms with its past, and should therefore be left to its own devices is dangerously misguided. If not for international condemnation, resulting from decades of global activism, the Armenian genocide would be a non-issue relegated to the annals of history. Moreover, Armenian genocide-related human rights violations continue to this very day in Turkey, from the failure to investigate state culpability in Hrant Dink’s murder, to the arrest of Ragip Zarakolu, to the calls for new deportations. Therefore, it is justifiable and reasonable for the international community to condemn Turkey through their legislative bodies.

External pressure and international isolation have finally led to discussion about the genocide inside of Turkey. However, as long as the government of Turkey continues its current policies, these measures will remain necessary to raise the issue, for the sake of the victims, their descendants, Turkish citizens, and the international community at large.

Notes
1. In 1993 Holocaust-denying “academic” Robert Faurisson challenged the legality of the Gayssot Act. He claimed the law curtailed his right to freedom of expression and academic freedom in general, guaranteed by the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ratified by 67 nations, including France: 1980; Turkey: 2003; Armenia: 1993; United States: 1992). The United Nations Human Rights Committee found that Faurisson was convicted for “violating the rights and reputations of others” and ruled that the Gayssot law was a necessary restriction of his expression “intended to serve the struggle against racism and anti-Semitism.”

2. Seen in the Bill of Rights, most notably in the First Amendment’s protection of free speech and press.

3. Seen in Article 1 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union; Article 4 of the Declaration of the Rights of Man; Article 1 of The Constitution of Germany

4. Concerning the well-being and safety of the remaining Armenian communities within Turkey today

5. Concerning threats from the Turkish government to severe political ties, trade relations, and military cooperation with countries that condemn the Armenian genocide and its denial

Vaché Thomassian is the Chairperson of the ARF “Shant” Student Association, Editor of Haytoug magazine, and a member of the executive board of the Loyola Law School Armenian Law Students’ Association.

• Discovering Ourselves, Discovering Armenia (Editorial)
• Շուշին մեր հաղթանակի լուսապսակն է
• I Was Told There’d Be It
  
• Yerevan. The Carousel City.
  
• Jerusalem: A souvenir from the Armenian Quarter
  
• Welcome to Javakhk
  
• Open Letter to The Armenian Diaspora:
• Ughtasar: The Petroglyphs of Armenia
• Google: Top 10 Stops in Yerevan, Armenia
• Must See: Armenia, The Historical, Notable and Not-So-Traditional Sites of Our Homeland
  
• More to See Outside of Yerevan
• Artsakh: The Cradle of Liberation
• Khatchkars
  
• “I want for Armenians what I want for Kurds’: An interview with Mayor Abdullah Demirbas
• Can Armenia’s Economy Thrive on Services

By Noushig Karpanian

I am the (un)fortunate grandchild of four individuals who all had their respective immediate experiences with the Genocide.

On my mother’s side, my grandfather Hagop DerHagopian was orphaned, (and only given his last name at the orphanage on account of his first name). He was dropped off at an Armenian orphanage by the Kurdish family who took him in after his entire family was murdered and they sought to raise him as one of their own, giving him the Kurdish name, Sedya. They realized the child who was crying for his “mama” fiercely resisted the Kurdish ways and might never replace “mama” with “ummi” as they had hoped. My grandmother, Yeghsapet Minasian survived a bit more unscathed, losing only one brother during the marches in the confusion and chaos of deportation.

I am currently working on translating my grandfather’s life memoirs from Armenian to English. I’ve included an excerpt here wherein my grandfather describes his agonizing solitude in Marash in 1922, when his mother, with no choice after her husband and his brother were murdered, flees from Marash, eventually making it to Damascus and wherein his younger siblings eventually join her via the American missionaries and generous efforts of the Near East Relief. My grandfather was 21 years old in 1922 and unable to legally leave Turkey because he was of conscription age, and only succeeds in leaving Marash when he surrenders to his fate.

************

Pages 750-753

In the beginning of 1922 my brother Nshan left Marash and headed to Lebanon to the city of Jebeil where he stayed approximately one year at the Near East Relief Society orphanage before heading to Damascus to join our mother.

A few months after Nshan’s departure, Mairanoush, my sister, also left to Haleb with American missionaries/orphanages and from there joined my mother; my mother hadn’t yet made it to Damascus.

It was after Nshan and Mairanoush left Marash that I was completely and utterly alone and my situation seemed unbearable to me.

Every minute of every day, I would ponder and contemplate how I also might be able to escape Marash, my birthplace, which before my very eyes looked like nothing other than hell; but not a means nor a method presented itself as the obstacles in my way were many.

Two or three times I made attempts to requisite governmental divisions to gain legal exit, however my filed petitions were rejected. I failed. I was unsuccessful given that I was of age for conscription.  After my petition would make its way past a few divisions, it would remain stuck at the military officer’s desk. I could not be seen by them, and in that way I would face failure.

One day I took my petition request to the police station. A few days later I returned to receive an answer but the police chief, a man with a brute face, told me that my background check did not raise any suspicions however, since I’ve shaved my mustache they are concerned that I do not resemble the photograph on file.

I replied, “Efendi, my mustache stubble is new, however one side has grown in black while the other blond; I have shaved it in hopes that they will grow in similar color.”

Wouldn’t you like this response from the police chief? He told me to come back in eight days without shaving my mustache in order to verify my reply.

He wrote his notes on my application and gave them to me. I took my papers, and pursued a few others avenues but my papers once again got stuck in the military office. And that’s where they remained as I never went back to claim them given my unsuccessful attempts thus far.

Days would pass, months would pass, however I still remained in Marash unable to gain a means to escape the borders of my ravished birthplace.

The majority of the city’s Armenian population, with no choice in the matter, left their homes, properties and riches and fled to Syria, Lebanon and beyond. Every day my worry intensified; when would I also, and through what means, would I free myself from this hell incarnate of a place? I was burdened by my own constant questioning; there were hardly any Armenians left in Marash. Only God knows how many times I got up on my feet to head away from the city, however, I did not succeed due to one thousand and one obstacles. Many a times I thought to embark on my exit with my government papers in hand, but those were no longer in my possession.  And it was like this that I surrendered to what fate had in store, to what was literally written on my forehead, my destiny, my jagadakeer, though I had never believed in such a surrender before. For, how is it that without your own extension of your hand that an apple will make its way from the tree to your mouth?

************

My grandfather’s escape reads like a movie script; the scenes are vividly haunting and though I myself am proof of his survival, every time I re-read the pages, I do so nervously, biting my nails, forgetting to breathe, incessantly flipping the pages just to make sure he escapes successfully and that no one points out his ingenious disguise to Turkish gendarmes. My grandfather was of the fortunate few who not only “made it” but who was also lucky enough to be reunited with his family whom he had no contact with for over two years. The scenes he recaps of their reunion are gut-wrenching and bittersweet, although they are not unique. So many stories like his occurred, but so many are unfortunately lost, or might only circulate orally and will soon be lost.

My grandfather made it very clear that he realized his good fortune in surviving the Genocide, in being reunited with his family members who had also survived and he thus wrote thousands of pages during his lifetime to preserve those stories so that his children and then unborn grandchildren would avenge the injustices that befell the Armenians, and that the world would thus never forget the monstrosities they faced. I now hope to do my humble part as I attempt to translate his story, Our Story. Armed with his words, which serve as my inspiration and compass, I hope that I am one step closer to realizing his wishes.

*Latin proverb which, literally translated, means “spoken words fly away, written words remain.”

The Coat of Arms of Nagorno-Karabakh

• From 1923-1988, the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh lived under the jurisdiction of Soviet Azerbaijan, with the territory designated as an autonomous region separated from Armenia proper.

• May, 1994- As a result of the war over 11,500 sq. km are liberated.  The Shahumian region remains under Azeri control.  There is no international recognition of Karabakh.

• November, 1994- A Russian-brokered cease-fire between Yerevan, Stepanakert, and Baku brings the conflict to a de facto end. It is assumed Russian peace keepers will be deployed to facilitate return of refugees. Cease-fire is superseded by the Bucharest summit on December 5-6.

• July, 1997- OSCE Minsk Group submits a package agreement to resolve the conflict, proposing the return of Nagorno-Karabakh as a region within Azerbaijan consisting of 4.4 thousand sq. km and the Lachin corridor. The proposal calls for the deployment of international peacemakers to secure and the return of displaced Azerbaijanis, while the Armenians of Karabakh are to receive Azerbaijani passports. The Armenian side rejects the proposal.

• December, 1997- Step-by-Step proposal is presented which would withdraw Karabakh forces to 1988 boundaries (keeping the Lachin corridor) and leave the permanent status of Karabakh for future determination.  The proposal is rejected by Nagorno-Karabakh.

A Map of Nagorno-Karabakh

• November, 1998- Common State solution is presented where Karabakh forces would withdraw to 1988 boundaries.  Nagorno-Karabakh would become an independent state and, with Azerbaijan, form a common state.  The status of Lachin is left undetermined.  The proposal is rejected by Azerbaijan.

• Spring, 2001- An unofficial proposal is presented during talks in Paris and in Key West, Florida suggesting the unification of Armenia with Nagorno-Karabakh and the Lachin corridor. In exchange, Azerbaijan is promised a corridor of its own through connecting to Nakhichevan through southern Armenia. The proposal is rejected by Azerbaijan.

• November, 2007- OSCE Minsk Group proposes the so-called “Madrid Principles” to Yerevan and Baku outlining a step-by-step approach to resolve the conflict. An international peace-keeping force to secure the return of Azeri refugees is envisioned, while 7,000 sq km of liberated Karabakh territory is returned to Azerbaijan. Nagorno-Karabakh is reduced to 4,400 sq km, with its only connection to Armenia maintained through the Lachin corridor and Kelbajar. Karabakh is promised an interim status to be determined at an undeclared date in the future by referendum. This is the current proposal under consideration today.

The ARF on Karabakh

Armenian Revolutionary Federation

Karabakh is an integral part of Armenia and the Armenian Revolutionary Federation has pursued its reunification with Armenia. The annexation of Karabakh to Azerbaijan was a result of arbitrary plotting by Stalin in the early 1920s and the people of Karabakh have never accepted that arrangement.

During Soviet rule, at every opportunity, and most recently in 1988, the majority of the population of Karabakh had peacefully raised their quest for reunification with Armenia; Azerbaijan responded by violence not only in Karabakh, but all over Azerbaijan.

In Karabakh, Armenians defended themselves and in 1991, declared the formation of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic. A just and lasting resolution of the Karabakh conflict should guarantee security and viability for Karabakh and Armenia. Eventually, the de facto reunification with Armenia should be granted de jure recognition.

Attaining this recognition is a priority for the ARF‐Dashnaktsutyun.

By: Vrej Haroutounian

I woke up at 8 AM to the face of an old lady wearing a blue dress covered with yellow flowers. She told me breakfast was ready. I smiled because she had a smile on her face. She knew I was up late the night before hanging out with my friends in the courtyard, drinking tea and conversing about our lives.

I made my way to the breakfast table where some of my friends were as well. We all sat down to a breakfast table set with butter, yogurt, cheese, hot dog, and jam made from a berry plant that grew all over the city. At that moment I realized that, other than the hot dog, all of the food came from sources that were within 50 feet of where I was sitting. Most of it was from the cow that was outside in the barn.

I was in Sushi, a war torn city that was taken back a few years ago by a people that were determined to choose their own future and had made it happen. While I was buttering my toast, I was thinking, “Wow, everything I am eating here is purely organic” (I didn’t eat the hot dog). These organic products were what people in LA would easily pay top dollar for. I could already imagine it at Trader Moe’s, priced at $4 a jar, labeled “Organic Raspberry Jam” along with the butter and cheese.

A few weeks later I am in Yerevan sitting at a café. If you’ve been to Yerevan in the last 20 years you know it’s not hard to find a café in gendron (Central downtown). Many of the beautifully designed Soviet era parks that were once there have been covered by Cafés since independence. The free market is well in progress. Restaurants with international names and themes, billboards everywhere, and European fashion walking up and down the streets on the fit bodies of the masses. As they stroll up and down Northern Ave, I watch them and they watch me.

The cell phone store has congestion from people waiting for service, the restaurants are full, the high-end boutiques are well-lit and awaiting customers. Yet, above the stores, all the lights are off. The residents there are corporations or Diasporans who have purchased these larger-than-life homes or offices on the city’s main promenade. They seem to be occupied only a few months out of the year.

I walk around the corner into one of the large supermarkets that have recently opened. Inside, I find processed yogurt with fruit, imported cheeses, frozen chicken and beef products. The place shines, it glows. It’s staffed by younger women in tight clothing who sell racks and racks of imported foods and imported lifestyle. It oozes of sex appeal.

A few months pass by and I am back in Los Angeles. I read in a newspaper that a new law has outlawed street vending in Yerevan. I read another article a few weeks later about how the Pag Shooga (indoor farmers’ market) will close for renovations after which some of the vendors will not be returning due to higher rent costs and larger retail spaces. A few weeks later I read about the workday increasing to six days a week. I start asking, “If everyone in Armenia is complaining that there is no work, then why is the workday being increased to six days a week for certain industries?”

A few days later outside my studio I am conversing with a colleague. I ask her why it is that most people in Yerevan could not wait to shop at supermarkets for factory-farm produced chicken, cellophane wrapped tomatoes, and processed dairy, while the biggest food movement in Los Angeles is organic, small farmer and locally grown foods. She replies, “People want what they don’t have.” I ask her why she thinks that is, and she says, “Well, if you get something that you didn’t have it proves to you and others that you worked hard and got it, that you got something that you did not have before.” We exchange smiles because it makes sense.

See, the have-nots in LA can’t get organic food—which is reserved for the haves—and the have-nots in Yerevan can’t get food from the supermarkets because it’s for the haves. At the end, we both agree that organic food is a better choice overall for the health and long-term sustainability of an economy.

In the end, it comes down to education, choice and discipline. Things are worth the value you assign them. What is two cups of water worth to you? Is it a walk to the kitchen, five-minute wait, a search for a water fountain, or one dollar at a gas station or a convenience store? Hopefully you picked all of the options except the last two, because if you picked the last two, you gave someone a dollar for something you could have had for a much lower cost. I use a bottle of water as an example of how wealth is trickled up by the many and placed in the hands of the few. Bottling water and making it available everywhere can exploit a simple human need for hydration. Every day people give their wealth and power over to others. When you pay $30 for a dress that in materials costs pennies, you trade your labor and efforts for something that marketing has convinced you is worth that by branding it. If your $1,000 dollar purse producer named Smoochi or Louis Mutton, made a great purse with materials that cost a few dollars of leather and zipper, then they could literally sell it for a few dollars, and more people would buy it because it would have the highest demand. But why don’t they? Because then the masses would all have it and the separation of perceived wealth would not exist. So they keep the price high and keep you wanting.  It’s the same with cars, food, and what is called lifestyles.

So coming back to Armenia, I ask, “What is going on?” Well, it’s simple! The wealthy open supermarkets, which attract the populous like a moth to a flame, trying to be a have because, all of a sudden, they were told they were have-nots. The international media and local media create further want in the local population. All of a sudden, local tomatoes are not good enough and the dimly-lit grocery store at the bottom of the building starts looking ugly compared to the shiny markets seen on TV.  They buy the cellophane wrapped tomato at a premium price and feel accomplished. Soon, the local storeowner realizes his customers are buying less, and eventually a law is created that puts street vendors completely out of business. Now, the supermarkets have less competition and the free market has gotten less free.

As the supermarkets increasingly sprout up, foreign banks further fuel the fire by lending money to oligarchs who turn around and happily spend it on their wants of luxurious lifestyles, creating further separation of the haves and have-nots. As small local markets disappear and the supermarkets multiply, the only competition left is between large chains. The prices increase dramatically ever since people decided that the tomatoes at the market were better, that a bottle of water was worth $1, and a Louis Mutton purse was worth $1000. Now since the supermarkets have taken over the neighborhood and the local groceries are closed, the population starts buying cars, which they need to lug the bulk food from the “NEW” discount supermarket located outside of the city.

A few years later, European clothes on thin, petite bodies are replaced by unhealthy Yerevantsis stuck in traffic listening to commercials on how to lose weight. Twenty years later, Trader Moe’s opens in Yerevan and sells them back the raspberry jam that they were tired of, for 300 times more then what it cost before.

All over the world, we are a generation that has been giving away our freedom through laziness, lack of education, and discipline to corporate power which has corrupted many governments worldwide. So I ask Armenians everywhere to start being conscious of their buying choices. It is not easy, due to the prevailing culture in most countries that we are located in, but it is possible. I ask you to think twice when you buy that bottle of water, that Panini, that Smoochi purse.  Your sports car payment can buy a tractor for a village. Your Starbucks coffee can feed a family for a week and your new 82” TV is someone’s annual income. Start thinking about how much change your conscious spending can create in our homeland and the countries we are currently in.

This struggle is of one against the exploitation of all people worldwide. It is a struggle against a system that is corrupt and is failing; it is time for us to invest in creating a new system worldwide, while making sure that the failed system of “free markets” does not spread further in Armenia.

Montebello Scouts at Independence Day Celebration, 1949

In the 1940’s, Adolf Hitler and his Nazi army battled Russia for control of Eastern Europe in World War II. Consequently, tens of thousands of people who called these warn torn pieces of land home were reluctantly uprooted and shipped off to labor camps in Germany. Among the thousands of displaced persons, or DPs, were Armenians.

Albert Petrossian, one of the DPs who established Montebello’s Armenian Community, recalls life in these camps. “We lived in labor camps, maybe 800 Armenians in some, 400 people in others. It was a mixture of Russians, Armenians, Ukrainians.”

For the Armenians – along with the estimated 11 to 20 million displaced persons in Europe at the time – the future was uncertain. Many of them, like Petrossian, couldn’t return home because their home was constantly switching borders between the Nazis and the Soviets – life under either regime’s rule was far from enticing.

When the Americans liberated Germany in 1945, the Axis powers made available a large army barrack called Funker Kaseme Camp for the Armenians to live in. “It was beautiful, just beautiful,” explains Petrossian. “All the Armenians found out about this camp near Stuttgart and started flocking there. We eventually had over 2,000 Armenians.”

By 1946, the camp had well over 2,000 Armenians, and was known by many in the region as Little Armenia. Supported by the U.S. Army, the Armenians created a world that somehow seemed indifferent to the hardships and atrocities of war they had all born witness to. They wasted no time improvising the concept of home as the DP’s built a tight knit community from scratch.

“We had a school, church, theater, stores, restaurants, bakeries,” remembers Petrossian. “It was a very happy life for us, especially for the kids.”

Eventually, the DPs of Europe needed to be placed somewhere. Luckily for the Armenians at Stuttgart, General George Mardikian, an Armenian American in charge of the American food supply at the camps, personally saw to it that the Armenian DPs made it to United States.

Displaced again – but experienced in the art of survival. The DPs settled in the East Los Angeles city of Montebello ready to sew the roots of a prosperous and bustling Armenian American Community.

The Montebello Armenians fashioned their community much like the one at the camp, and paved the way for future Armenian communities in the Southern California Area.

The Holy Cross Church, Bagramian Hall, and Tumanjian Hall near the corner of Lincoln and Montebello Blvd were among the first staples of the Montebello Armenian community. The first Armenian school in Los Angeles, Armenian Mesrobian School, opened its doors in Montebello in 1965.

In 1968, the Montebello Armenian community also built the Armenian Genocide Martyrs Monument. It is the first and only monument commemorating the memory of the victims of the Armenian genocide on public land in the world. “We wanted to keep our history, teach the history of Armenia, and keep everyone together.”

After much hard work the San Gabriel Valley ANCA recently succeeded in approving the installment of a massive freeway sign on Route 60 Freeway noting the “Armenian Genocide Martyrs Monument” near Montebello. This will be the first time the word “Armenian Genocide” will permanently be inscribed on US soil.

With the ideals of community and cultural awareness embedded in the consciousness of many Montebello youth, the Vahan Cardashian-AYF chapter is building on the very foundations set almost 70 years ago- a foundation rooted in community, in our own “Little Armenia”.  Ani Petrossian, a grandchild of Montebello DP’s describes the current state of the chapter and community as whole. “Our agoumps [Armenian Centers] have become nothing less than a second home and our members have become extended members of a larger family”.

A place where formalities are non-existent and friendships ever present; Montebello has become a perfect Saroyan cliché. Where members of a displaced community have planted roots for their own Armenia outside the motherland. The local AYF chapter holds cooking classes where mothers teach the younger generation of traditional favorites and the younger badanees hold dinners for families to come together, connect with friends, and make new ones.

Many of the AYF membership come from Displaced Families. Just like their parents and grandparents before them, they have continued to take responsible in the community and their Armenian identities. Nick Cabraloff states, “we feel like it is an obligation for us to take an active role in the community, in one that has done so much for us.”

From the United States to France, Syria to Lebanon, and any other country which boasts an Armenian Population; Dislocated Armenians, such as ones from the Montebello community have come together to prove that Armenia is not just a location on a map, but rather a state of mind.

Berj Parseghian

Name: Berj Parseghian
Hometown: Pasadena

Berj joined AYF when he was 16 and has gone on to play a leadership role both at a chapter and central level. In 2008, he had the opportunity to lead the AYF’s Youth Corps summer program in Armenia. In addition, Berj has been involved in the Student Anti-Genocide Coalition (STAND), Amnesty International, and teaches martial arts to over 100 students. He is currently working on his Masters in Education and teaches history at Armenian Mesrobian School to grades 6-12.

Growing up, he describes how the mood of anger in his family about the past was one that he didn’t fully understand until he matured. “You’re supposed to come to understand the past and move on, live life,” he says. “But some pasts are hard to move on from; some pasts won’t leave a family or a nation alone. Some pasts define who you are. “

Nevertheless, Berj holds out a hope for reconciliation one day being achieved. “I simply want the trampling to end and a constructive future to be built,” he says. “Living in fear, hate, and pain sets up endless roadblocks. These roadblocks need to be taken down without trampling people.”

“That means the future must be based on truth and humanity,” he insists, calling for “common sense solutions that will ease troubles away with time, and not brew anger, distrust, and hate from any side of the aisle.”

Linking this hope for the future with his current activism, Berj explains, “This is why I’m active in the AYF and our community. Real solutions don’t come easy, they take persistent hard work, lots of time, and a positive outlook by everyone involved.”

Ancestor

Vahan Parseghian

Name: Vahan Parseghian
Relation: Grandfather
Hometown: Bursa

At the age of about ten years old, one day Vahan goes into the fields and sees Ottoman soldiers and tanks surrounding his village. Soon after, all of the inhabitants are told to lock their doors and come out. They are told they will be taken somewhere for a few days and then be brought back.

In reality, they were to be taken to Der Zor by train, encountering bandits along the way who spoke of how they were going to slaughter the Armenians.

Vahan saw dead bodies being eaten by crows, women and girls being grabbed and tossed around by their hair, and men being taken apart from groups to be murdered. Him and his sister witnessed the murder of their family of eight, and were spared only because they were able to hide beneath dead bodies undetected. Soon, they would be picked up and taken to an orphanage in Syria where they would be split up, with Vahan ending up in Lebanon and his sister in Bulgaria. They never saw each other again.

Berj recalls the following about his grandfather: “He was a principled man, hard as stone, and troubled, to put it lightly. He showed and received no emotion, living and passing on a life haunted by the worst of experiences that never left him alone.”